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| 1 |
ID:
123424
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP), known for its Islamic background, placed itself to the center-right in the political spectrum, and adopted conservative democracy as its new political identity. This study investigates first, what triggers the AKP's strong motivation for conservative democracy; second, what the theoretical foundations and universal validity of this concept are; third, whether and to what extent this concept explains the Turkish reality. It shows that conservative democracy is a cosmetic political image rather than reality within the Turkish context. It also serves as the most elusive and flexible strategy to legitimize the AKP both domestically and internationally.
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| 2 |
ID:
123423
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the ongoing transformation of civil-military relations in Turkey under Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule, which was triggered by uncovering of the Ergenekon affair and a series of alleged plots against the AKP government by groups within the armed forces. Legal-constitutional changes, anti-coup trials, increasing civil influence in the military promotions and a dramatic turnaround of public opinion of the military interventions in the aftermath of the Ergenekon affair point to a paradigmatic shift in civil-military relations in Turkey.
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| 3 |
ID:
123433
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2013.
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An internal audit function (IAF) should positively impact financial reporting and governance, and add value to its organization. The study provides evidence on IAF factors (i.e. characteristics, activities, and work areas) associated with these types of impact and whether these factors, and their influence on various impacts, differ between a developed and an emerging economy (i.e. the USA and Turkey). Factors positively associated with financial reporting in the USA are assurance activities, control work, and competence; in Turkey, significant factors are governance work and competence. For governance, it is found that the factors positively associated with it in the USA include assurance activities, governance work, and competence; in Turkey, the significant factors are governance work and competence. In the USA, assurance activities are negatively associated with adding value, while consulting activities, risk work, and control work are positively associated with this measure. In Turkey, only risk work and control work are positively associated with adding value. Finally, several measures of IAF objectivity are not associated with any of the impact measures.
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| 4 |
ID:
123430
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines how the Aegean dispute which has been one of the contentious issues between Turkey and Greece for more than three decades has been Europeanized on the Turkish side. This Europeanization process started, in particular, with Turkey's candidacy to the European Union granted at the Helsinki Summit of 1999. In this article, the extent of the Europeanization of the Aegean dispute is measured by making references to the security and foreign policy discourses in Turkey. The change in the Turkish elite's discourses, or more concretely, the shift from the confrontational to cooperative discourses, is identified in the speeches delivered by the political leaders from the Turkish side.
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| 5 |
ID:
123427
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The fate of Turkey's non-Muslim minorities has been somehow linked to the country's foreign policy since the eighteenth century. Throughout the Ottoman era, the early years of the Republic and the Cold War period, foreign policy issues had a mostly negative impact on the treatment of the non-Muslim minorities, engendering the state's suspicion and repression. This has changed at the turn of the twenty-first century, with the emergence of a new variable in Turkish foreign policy: The European Union. Reforms undertaken by Ankara since then have considerably transformed the scene, although challenges do still remain, demonstrating the dialectical nature of the issue.
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| 6 |
ID:
123425
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkey is a country where democratization process has been repeatedly interrupted by military interventions in the past 50 years. Censorship and self-censorship have become ordinary practices in the media, mainly due to weak parliamentary representations followed by oppressive coup periods. Yet even though a democratically elected government is currently in charge of the country, censorship of the press remains to be a common and systematic to silence alternative views. It is also claimed that self-censorship is widespread within the press. A report published by Freedom House in 2010 argues that while Turkish officials continue to enforce strict laws, journalists are frequently jailed for discussing issues such as the Kurdish problem, the military or political Islam. The government that is led by the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) is continuing to crack down on unfavorable press coverage. This article presents the findings of a survey titled "Censorship and Self-Censorship in Turkey, 2011." The participants of the study were Turkish journalists and the questions revolved around their personal experiences with regards to censorship and self-censorship. Their answers reveal why Turkish media seldom makes news for public interest.
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| 7 |
ID:
123431
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper investigates the link between financial development and economic growth in a small island economy, North Cyprus. Bounds testing approaches as well as causality techniques are conducted for analyzing an extended version of the augmented Solow growth model over the period 1977-2010. The empirical results suggest that investments in the financial and banking sectors are important drivers for real income growth in both the long and short terms of the North Cyprus economy. The findings also show that private credits in the financial sector do not cause output growth in either the long- or the short-term periods. The impact of physical capital for real income is not also found to be as strong as that of human capital in the case of the North Cyprus economy.
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| 8 |
ID:
123428
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkey is in the process of formulating its new foreign-policy discourse on Sub-Saharan Africa. The emerging discourse is reaching for old themes like Ottomanism and Islamic humanitarianism, and for newer themes such as "the trading-state." The Turkish experience of Sub-Saharan Africa is not rich, and hence the reliance of actors on themes developed in geographical regions quite other than Sub-Saharan Africa. Typically in the early stages of such discourse, its themes reflect images of the major actors more than the realities. As actors' understanding of a subject area improves, the early themes of a discourse are necessarily adjusted to accommodate the issues that emerge in that area. Adjustment happens also in response to various agents' critical commentaries. It is, therefore, a foregone conclusion that the foreign-policy discourse on Sub-Saharan Africa that has emerged so far will undergo constant adjustment.
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| 9 |
ID:
123429
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although there are some explicit political and security dimensions to Turkish foreign policy in the Gulf region, the overall rationale is economic. This paper examines the active Turkish foreign policy, the complex dynamics in the Gulf where Turkey could offer possible alternative solutions for regional and international problems, and the extent to which the bilateral economic objectives which are being pursued in the Gulf will inevitably generate a more substantial political and strategic role for Turkey. The following political and economic issues with some convergences and divergences between Turkey and the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) countries will be discussed: how the moderating role of Turkey began to gain substance as a unique example of modernization in the aftermath of the nascent political Arab Spring events in the Gulf and how the substantial increase of business and trade levels resulted in the improvement of relations between Turkey and the GCC countries. The fundamental premise in this paper will be that Turkey-GCC ties have to go beyond preferential trading partnerships and address a number of primary political challenges.
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| 10 |
ID:
123432
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
By quantitatively analyzing how Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) voted on an amendment that proposed a special status for Turkey, this article aims to shed some light on the voting patterns of MEPs on the question of Turkish accession to the European Union. The article finds that although member-state and European party group affiliations were related to MEPs' voting behavior on Turkey, MEPs' national party preferences were the strongest predictor of the vote. In addition, the study shows that the GDP per capita and public opinion were also highly correlated with MEPs' voting attitudes toward Turkish accession.
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