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ID:
129558
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During May and June 2012, the question of abortion was hotly debated in Turkish public forums. This paper analyzes the main characteristics of this abortion debate using John Rawls's conception of public reason as a normative framework. In doing so, speeches and declarations on abortion made by legislators are critically evaluated. The arguments in the debate are examined with a view to interpret how the issue should be discussed as far as the demands of public reason are concerned. From a Rawlsian framework, it is observed that the pro-ban position (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi) is far from contributing to a reasonable balance of political values on abortion whereas the contra-ban position (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) satisfies the demands of public reason. Moreover, it is argued that, the latest proposed legislation on abortion cannot be viewed as an outcome of a reasonable balance of political values but is rather an outcome of pragmatic compromise.
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| 2 |
ID:
129563
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses different approaches to Turkish foreign policy (TFP) from a critical realist perspective. It seeks to criticize positivist and post-positivist approaches to TFP, arguing for a non-reductionist, historical materialist approach based on the principles of critical realism. It argues that historical materialist approaches are missing both from the analysis of TFP and from the mainstream foreign-policy analysis in general. In emphasizing the importance of a historical materialist approach, the paper also underlines the importance of acknowledging the structural context of foreign policy-making as a complement to the agent-centric, micro-level analyses that dominate the mainstream TFP analysis. Finally, it advocates a research agenda that focuses on the development of a historical materialist approach to TFP.
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| 3 |
ID:
129560
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines political leaders' framing strategies during times of public diplomacy crisis. By focusing on the nexus of domestic-international politics, it argues that during public diplomacy crises, policy-makers would like to utilize their speech acts on foreign policy issues to manage expectations of domestic public opinion. This paper's main contention is to demonstrate that the head of AKP (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi) government, Recep Tayyip Erdo?an, has instrumentalized his foreign policy speeches with the label of "honorable" to legitimize AKP's practices at the domestic level.
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| 4 |
ID:
129562
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Turkey, important decentralization measures were taken after the 1980s. The new administrative model gave local governments the role of dealing with social exclusion while financing social welfare expenditures through entrepreneurial investment of their non-material resources. This study is an attempt to discuss how such a challenge for local governments has been resolved through the analysis of gendering impacts of three decentralization reform programs.
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| 5 |
ID:
129565
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines the ways in which Turkey's regional role, power and self-image are constructed by the Turkish official discourse on Syria. Focusing on the speeches of the AKP government on the conflict, as reported in a major mainstream Turkish daily, Milliyet, between March 2011 and November 2012, the article explores the major building blocks of the AKP government's representation of Turkey's capability, responsibility and threat perceptions with regard to the ongoing crisis. The analysis shows that the AKP government's demonization of the Assad regime and depiction of Turkey's moral responsibility toward the Syrian people served to constitute Turkey's great power role and assert Turkey's moral superiority vis-Ã -vis the other actors in the conflict. Turkey's policy of grandeur has been an integral element of the country's moralist, as well as national security discourse on Syria.
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| 6 |
ID:
129561
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkish state actors have used mainly military means to first suppress the Kurdish rebellions and then to end the PKK violence from 1984 onwards. However, after the AKP came to office in 2002, the government challenged the hardline state policy and initiated a Kurdish opening. This policy has the ultimate goal of disarming the PKK and resolving the Kurdish question. However, the Kurdish opening so far has failed to bring about the desired policy outcomes because the parties to the Kurdish question have been highly divided on the side of both the state and the Kurds in Turkey.
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| 7 |
ID:
129556
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
National identity has become a key theme in discussions about the Turkish media. Yet this is a topic less studied in the field of diasporic media studies. This article takes up the issue of political cinema and its reception among the Turkish diaspora. Through the example of the Valley of the Wolves (Kurtlar Vadisi) franchise, this article discusses how facts, fictions and geo-political motives converge into political cinema. Reporting on a mixed-method audience research that includes surveys, in-depth interviews, focus groups and participant observation among the Turkish community of Antwerp, this article describes the highly polarized reception of Valley of the Wolves among the diaspora.
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| 8 |
ID:
129555
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the role of threat narratives in the process of group mobilization for political violence, focusing on the Turkish civil war of the 1970s. It argues that threat narratives promote political violence by identifying a certain politically mobilized group as "the enemy," and they incite fear in people against this group. Threat narratives further broaden the cycle of violence by deliberately conflating and expanding the category of the enemy and leaving no space for neutrality or moderation
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| 9 |
ID:
129557
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article takes Turkey as a case study, exploring marital and inheritance regimes with regard to their impact on women and their ability to protect women's property rights. The aim of the study is to bring to light the workings of the legal system that regulate the acquisition of property and to scrutinize the gap between the law and its practice in Turkish society. By taking this approach, the article does not only focus on laws but also on how these laws are adopted by society. Thus, two levels of analysis-de jure and de facto-are utilized for an investigation of women's property rights and hence their social and economic status.
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