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ID:
124738
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, the government of South Sudan has sought to neutralise the threat that armed groups pose to stability through their integration into the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), rather than coercion. Although successful in part, this approach has nevertheless led to the continued proliferation of armed groups. In this article, Lesley Anne Warner analyses how the government of South Sudan and the SPLA have administered the amnesty and integration process, concluding that military integration is a process that is managed, but not yet fully mastered.
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| 2 |
ID:
124743
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Britain began to plan for the occupation and reconstruction of Germany following the end of the Second World War as early as 1944. However, such was the devastation as a result of intensive fighting that went all the way to Berlin that these plans were unsuited to the reality on the ground in May 1945. Christopher Knowles explores the first four years of 'benevolent occupation' in the British zone under the leadership of Field Marshal Montgomery and his successors, noting that positive effect was more likely where they created the conditions for the German people to act for themselves, rather than imposing solutions by force or decree.
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| 3 |
ID:
124742
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although political friction and ideological differences between China and the West can hamper co-operation on missions known as 'Military Operations Other than War', the UK and China have achieved a certain level of success in this regard, particularly in relation to UN peacekeeping and counter-piracy operations. In this article, Miwa Hirono and Manshu Xu argue that the key has been to use multilateral platforms to frame bilateral collaboration, thereby diminishing Chinese perceptions of the associated political risks. Thus it is useful for Western militaries to exploit multilateralism to make military co-operation more attractive to China.
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| 4 |
ID:
124744
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the second world war, counter insurgency and counter terrorism operations have become much more frequent and widespread than large scale conventional confrontation. While at first three was a widespread perception that relatively small badly trained and poorly equipped groups.
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| 5 |
ID:
124735
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2013.
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In November 2013, the UN's Afghanistan Opium Survey reported a 36 per cent rise in opium poppy cultivation, with opium production up by almost half since 2012. This situation has long been recognised as a security threat, with effective programmes to address the complex links between opium trafficking, organised crime and insecurity in Afghanistan more important than ever given the transfer of responsibility for security and governance, by the end of 2014, to the Afghan government. David Bewley-Taylor questions the current focus of counter-narcotics policies and highlights the key challenges likely to impede the reduction of organised crime in Afghanistan post-2014.
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| 6 |
ID:
124741
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| Publication |
2013.
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The EU and China may strike observers as actors with fundamentally different political and normative outlooks and thus unlikely partners in international security. Yet, Benjamin Barton argues, the international fight against piracy in the Indian Ocean has provided them with the opportunity to forge a more collaborative relationship in the realm of maritime security. Their convergence on counter-piracy may also provide interesting lessons with regard to Europe's broader strategic engagement of China.
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| 7 |
ID:
124739
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The sea sets East Asia apart from other regional systems that influence international economic, political and military affairs. Alessio Patalano argues that in East Asia, the centrality of the maritime realm to economic and political matters is transforming it into a primary battleground for national ambitions. Meanwhile, the wide range of functions exercised by maritime forces puts them at the forefront of both competition and the management of security issues and regional stability. Maritime security issues are therefore likely to remain high on the regional agenda in East Asia, although the risk of escalation to war may not be as high as is often assumed.
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| 8 |
ID:
124737
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In March 2013, the British-led military assistance and training mission in Sierra Leone drew to a close, after more than a decade at the centre of efforts to reform the country's armed forces following its protracted civil war. The transition of the mission to the smaller but more broadly focused International Security Advisory Team has raised questions concerning both the sustainability of the reforms implemented to date and the prospects for success as attention turns to the wider civilian security sector. On the basis of interviews with those directly involved, Ashlee Godwin and Cathy Haenlein examine both the nature and timing of the transition, and the challenges facing the new mission.
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| 9 |
ID:
124736
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2007, the UK Parliament began the process of developing a successor to the country's Trident-armed fleet of Vanguard-class submarines, which would allow the UK to maintain an unbroken deterrent patrol beyond the 100th anniversary of its becoming a nuclear-weapons state. At the insistence of the Liberal Democrat Party, however, the Cabinet Office has conducted a review of alternatives to this programme. Malcolm Chalmers explores the financial, strategic and technical issues raised by the review and analyses the vulnerabilities that the programme faces. He suggests that the UK remains committed to maintaining a nuclear deterrent with global reach, capable of confronting large as well as small nuclear powers into the indefinite future
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| 10 |
ID:
124740
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japan's foreign and defence policy is changing in response to new developments in the regional security environment and in the wider international arena. As Tokyo looks to strengthen its relationship with Western partners and especially NATO, the EU and their member states, the UK appears a natural choice both in itself and as a link to Europe. Michito Tsuruoka analyses the many strategic considerations driving Japan's efforts to build stronger partnerships in the defence and security field and explores what the UK can do to strengthen its engagement in Asia.
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