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| 1 |
ID:
073091
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| 2 |
ID:
109155
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the past two decades there has been a burgeoning interest and research into experiments and innovations in participatory governance. While advocates highlight the merits of such new governance arrangements in moving beyond traditional interest group representations and deepening democracy through deliberation with a broad range of civic associations, critics express concern about the political legitimacy and democratic accountability of participating associations, highlighting in particular the dangers of co-option and faction. Addressing these concerns, a number of theorists identify an important role for civic associations in linking deliberations at micro policy levels to those within the public sphere more broadly. These normative contributions raise an important empirical question-does civic associational engagement at micro levels leave scope to engage both laterally across associations and vertically with members and citizens more broadly? More simply put, is civic associational engagement within micro-policy fora "good" for democracy more broadly? Drawing from a study of civic associational engagement in Ireland's national Social Partnership process over a ten-year period this article argues that, where deliberations become overshadowed by more traditional communicative norms of bargaining and negotiation, it is not. Evidence is presented from the Irish case to show how civic actors, having internalized the dominant communicative norms of the process, have contributed toward a narrowing of the deliberative space within, but most particularly outside, this process. This, it is argued, has resulted in a considerably weakened public sphere with neither the institutional apparatus nor the discursive capacity to seek accountability from political and civic leaders at a time of profound crisis within the Irish state.
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| 3 |
ID:
056329
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| 4 |
ID:
189312
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| Summary/Abstract |
The present study identifies investment in Africa’s cultural and creative industries (CCIs) as one of the strategic moves in the right direction for achieving sustainable development across the African continent. Cultural and creative industries (CCIs) offer an alternative approach to development through their wealth creation potential, socioeconomic development, employment opportunities, and promotion of cultural diversity. Nevertheless, CCIs are yet to feature categorically as a development strategy, owing to their many challenges, as indicated by the study. The study submits that partnerships under the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) could offer an alternative source of mobilizing support for CCIs, as the BRI is a development framework with robust financing, infrastructure, and human resources development. However, it will require the pragmatic support of policymakers to leverage BRI and boost the expansion of CCIs in Africa.
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| 5 |
ID:
139019
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| Summary/Abstract |
The instituted order of development is changing, creating new power mechanisms ordering the relationship between donor and recipient institutions. Donors’ focus on partnership, participation and ownership has radically transformed the orchestration of aid. While the formal order of this new aid architecture aimed to alter inherently asymmetrical donor–recipient relations by installing the recipient side with greater freedom and responsibility, this article – drawing on an analysis of the World Bank’s Poverty Reduction and Strategy Paper (PRSP) model and its partnership with Uganda – demonstrates how lopsided aid relations are being reproduced in profound ways. Analysed in terms of developmentality, the article shows how the donor aspires to make its policies those of the recipient as a means to govern at a distance, where promises of greater inclusion and freedom facilitate new governance mechanisms enabling the donor to retain control by framing the partnership and thus limiting the conditions under which the recipient exercises the freedom it has been granted.
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| 6 |
ID:
091823
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Relations between the European Union and North Africa have veered away from the political vision expounded under the Barcelona Process. The Union for the Mediterranean will likely deepen this trend. The Euro-Mediterranean space is increasingly characterized by competitive, containment-based and exclusionary security strategies. The more political dimensions of the partnership are now given short shrift and the EU appears inattentive to the dynamics of change within North African societies. Countries such as Spain and the UK have been overly passive in rescuing the Euro-Med vision from French diplomacy and the nature of relations between Europe and North Africa are increasingly out of sync with the changing international system.
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| 7 |
ID:
152823
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper covers issues of Russia's national security in the Arctic as viewed from the military perspective. It examines the trends in the development of a reliable defense system for this country. It postulates the importance of greater defense capacity in the Russian Arctic, as NATO relentlessly builds up its military forces next to Russian borders, and the US military infrastructure continues to develop.
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| 8 |
ID:
139734
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| Summary/Abstract |
TWO CONSECUTIVE ENLARGEMENTS of NATO - membership for the Central European Three (Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic) in 1991 and the "big bang" of enlargement of March 2004 - made Ukraine, a seat of instability, a borderland between two Europes: the West and Russia. The unresolved dilemma of common spaces of Greater Europe made the planned and realized expansions of Western alliances the crucial point of the relationships between Russia and the West. The West which did not hesitate to push into the post-Soviet space, a zone of Russia's special interests, in two directions (NATO and the EU) merely fanned the smoldering conflict; the color revolutions in Georgia in 2003 and Ukraine in 2004 revealed its depth and systemic nature.
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| 9 |
ID:
118084
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| 10 |
ID:
107277
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article analyzes the renovation process of the foreign-policy instruments of the PRC during the past twenty years. It examines in detail such trends as the policy of partnership proclaimed and implemented by Beijing, which is addressed to most countries of the world, and the policy of good-neighborliness towards the states bordering on China on land and sea. The author also discusses the shifts in the PRC positioning in the UN and the evolution of its approaches to the proposed reform of this organization.
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| 11 |
ID:
180404
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Pacific will be the dominant international arena in the 21st century. The United States' goal in dealing with an increasingly complex region will be to preserve the operating system that has allowed massive development in the region over the last five decades. It is a region that faces major challenges and its response will be critical to dealing effectively with the existential threat posed by climate change and other transnational threats. Before addressing these problems, the Biden administration is focused initial on domestic concerns, restoring the economy and healing divisions, but it values bilateral relations with likeminded states like New Zealand.
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| 12 |
ID:
107875
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| 13 |
ID:
104294
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The European Union has been trying to achieve its long-term goals through partnerships and cooperation with other like-minded global actors. Africa (through its regional institutional body, the African Union) has been the first and only multilateral entity with which the EU has forged a long-term partnership. Despite its rhetorical language, the Africa--EU Strategic Partnership is unlikely to upgrade the political and economic interaction between the two partners. In the past few years, serious rifts have grown between the EU and its African counterparts concerning trade agreements and development policies. Moreover, new actors have made significant inroads in Africa, providing an alternative to its long-standing dependence on Europe.
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| 14 |
ID:
151603
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| Summary/Abstract |
CHINESE-RUSSIAN FRIENDSHIP is deeply rooted in historical realities. The People's Republic of China was proclaimed on October 1, 1949. On the next day, the PRC and the USSR established diplomatic relations, and the Soviet Union became the first country to officially recognize new China. During those years, Chinese-Soviet, and subsequently Chinese-Russian relations went through many trials and stood the test of time. Being stable, robust, and mature, they have become a model of intergovernmental relations in the modern world. Chinese-Russian relations have been currently going through the most favorable period in their history, maintaining their high level and thus benefitting the peoples of both countries.
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| 15 |
ID:
021806
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| Publication |
April-June 2002.
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| Description |
153-156
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| 16 |
ID:
169528
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| Summary/Abstract |
IN 2016, China for the first time became Germany's main foreign trade partner, replacing the seemingly unshakable U.S., which came in third place after France. This event was an indicator of certain changes taking place in modern world trade and in international relations in general - what would seem to be the emergence of a trend toward the establishment of a new balance of power in world politics. The basis for such a turn of events was China's adept and very balanced economic diplomacy against the backdrop of Washington's rather impulsive and sometimes rash actions.
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| 17 |
ID:
120382
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| 18 |
ID:
142189
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Pentagon Press, 2015.
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| Description |
xxxiii, 294p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788182748552
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058400 | 327.54068/SAH 058400 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
135451
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| Summary/Abstract |
The thirty years of existence of South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) amply demonstrates that it has experienced huge failures amidst patches of success stories. It has remained far away from its final goal of regional economic integration as well as fast socio-economic development. There have been many serious academic attempts to analyze the causes of its failures and put forth suggestions to remove its weaknesses. The policy makers in South Asian capital have struggled hard to overhaul its structures and operations, but final story remains the same e.g. South Asia is the least integrated region in the world.
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| 20 |
ID:
062421
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| Publication |
Jan-Jun 2005.
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