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| 1 |
ID:
127024
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Approved in December 2007, the Basque Education Plan for Peace and Human Rights (2008-2011) represents the most sophisticated policy development of its kind in over thirty years of autonomous governments. While by no means a panacea for ethno-nationalist conflict in this context, the policy is nevertheless a significant development and carries the potential to make a substantial contribution to the cause of sustainable peacebuilding and reconciliation. By way of both an exposition of its principal aims and objectives, as well as an analysis of the political furore that accompanied its development, the article exposes the policy's principal limitation - its tendency towards indirectness. The article argues, however, that in structural terms peace education is advanced through the creation of a coordinating forum between the Basque government and organized Basque civil society. Moreover, despite this tendency towards indirectness, the policy initiates the necessary task of approaching issues hitherto largely avoided.
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| 2 |
ID:
127030
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2013.
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Considerable research has explored the relationship between majority and minority language speaking communities in bilingual contexts. Comparatively little research, however, has explored relations within as opposed to between a language group in these contexts. Antecedent to a new order of social and cultural life in Wales, this article explores how two groups of Welsh speakers, one relatively privileged and one relatively marginalized, positioned themselves as they talked about 'being Welsh speaking'. For all respondents the ability to speak Welsh was understood to confer sameness beyond linguistic competence on Welsh speakers. Claims to a strong Welsh-speaking identity, however, were legitimized by drawing on different resources. Whilst the relatively privileged group identified themselves as 'traditionally Welsh' based on their linguistic and social practices, members of the more marginalized group were unable to define their own linguistic and social practices as 'traditional' for a Welsh speaker. In response they forged a distinctive social space for themselves by developing a class-based communal Welsh identity. With reference to Bourdieu's work on the process of boundary construction and maintenance, this article makes a contribution to understanding ethnolinguistic diversity and how discourses about being Welsh speaking might be reproduced and negotiated in contemporary post-diglossic Wales. It suggests that ethnolinguistic identity may become implicated in the process of classificatory struggle, with social groups emerging through a social space of hierarchical difference.
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| 3 |
ID:
127043
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| 4 |
ID:
127042
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| 5 |
ID:
127020
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
History education can either exacerbate polarization and division or it can have conciliatory potential. Looking at a number of divided societies, we identify trends in curriculum portrayals of inter-group conflict. Noting the power of re-telling the past, we argue for a conciliatory approach to textbook design that entails the inclusion of multiple narratives. We detail why groups need to set out their own account of events and discuss the importance of the way that groups develop their accounts. We recommend an institutional, process-based approach to textbook design grounded in the values of deliberative consociationalism and argue that the conciliatory approach is best pursued in a two-stage model of deliberations. We develop this model and focus on how deliberations might occur and with what restrictions, taking seriously concerns about the applicability of deliberation in divided societies.
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| 6 |
ID:
127032
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| 7 |
ID:
127039
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| 8 |
ID:
127040
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| 9 |
ID:
127045
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| 10 |
ID:
127044
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| 11 |
ID:
127028
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on the educational system in South Tyrol as one of the pillars of language and identity politics used for minority protection and elaborates on possible future developments triggered by immigration. After a historical overview of the coexistence of the three linguistic groups in South Tyrol, the article will explore, from the perspective of the educational system, the institutional framework guaranteeing the protection of the German-speaking and Ladin minority and in particular their languages as the most important markers of the particular local identities. The article then examines how the educational system in South Tyrol deals with increasing immigration, assessing the strengths and weaknesses in relation to whether the educational system facilitates, on the one hand, the development of a multilingual society and, on the other, individual language competences and thus individual multilingualism.
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| 12 |
ID:
127033
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| Publication |
2013.
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This article reflects on the absence of integrated schooling in Cyprus, trying to make sense of why this educational model seems impossible at the moment, interpret the shared education initiatives or policies that have been attempted in the recent past, and consider the potential for integrated schooling and shared education in the future. The article takes the following route. It begins by offering a brief background on the Cypriot conflict and its connections with education. This is followed by an overview of the findings of a large ethnographic study I conducted between 2008 and 2010 in two schools in which some sort of shared educational experiences had taken place. Finally, the article concludes by analysing the tensions and challenges of shared education in these schools and identifying the future prospects of integrated schooling in Cyprus.
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| 13 |
ID:
127031
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Dublin 1916 Easter Rising is most often analysed in terms of the 'blood sacrifice' concept and its 'theatrical' aspect with both rhetorical devices being ascribed to Patrick (Padraic) Pearse - poet, dramatist, and a crucial figure in the development of the discourse of Irish nationalism. This article proposes a reading of Pearse's literary and political texts centred on the relation between the religious and the political. Starting with the delineation of the complex 'translation of the sacred' from the religious to the secular context, the article then examines the two above-mentioned key dimensions of the Rising, its sacrificial and 'theatrical' aspects, demonstrating their theological affinities. The two are interconnected through the thomistic theory of the liturgical sign, suggesting that the Easter Rising, as a crucial event in the construction of Irish nationhood, was devised and carried out per analogiam to the liturgical symbolism of the Catholic Mass.
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| 14 |
ID:
127022
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2013.
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Enduring inequalities in Chile's education system are both a socio-economic and ethno-national problem. Student protests in 2006 and 2011 are representative of growing public concerns over the neoliberal socio-economic model adopted by respective governments since the military regime ended in 1990. Education has also become a contested space in which the recognition of indigenous rights - and cultural and linguistic diversity in particular - have been negotiated. This article presents an analysis of the history of Mapuche struggles over education, in light of recent neoliberal reforms and political protests. Reforms to address large achievement differentials among indigenous populations have come through proposals for Intercultural Bilingual Education (IBE) in Chile and these, we suggest, have challenged the hegemonic education system and its assimilatory mechanisms. Its current administration, however, reflects minimal commitments to indigenous rights and only the thinnest recognition of cultural difference. Instead, the status quo of mono-cultural and mono-linguistic Chilean nationalism continues to be transmitted via the national curriculum.
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| 15 |
ID:
127036
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| 16 |
ID:
127021
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| Publication |
2013.
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Following the tradition of discourse analysis, this article examines representations of two narratives of immigration in U.S. and German social studies textbooks: the ideas of the United States as a nation of immigrants and of Germany as a (non-)immigration country. Textbooks are of particular importance in this regard, as they contain one of the few quasi-official formulations of national self-understandings. Among the most crucial findings is that in Germany, the country's decade-old self-denial of its status as a country of immigration is no longer a tenable official position, but, at the same time, the conscious self-identification as an immigration country has not yet profoundly reshaped German national identity. In the United States, on the other hand, the clichéd self-designation as a 'nation of immigrants' has not lost its appeal as a rhetorical device and grand narrative of national history, but seems increasingly anachronistic with regard to the country's broader immigration discourse.
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| 17 |
ID:
127029
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The last two decades of the nineteenth century witnessed an apparent revolution in art education in Denmark with the establishment of the 'Free Schools', a group of alternative schools that provided students with a choice other than the Royal Academy. The most important of these schools, the Kunstnernes Studieskole (Artists' Study School, established in 1882), was subsidised by the government and headed by Laurits Tuxen, P.S. Krøyer, and Kristian Zahrtmann, Academy-trained artists who modeled the school's education on the French atelier system. The debate that formed the Study School was at its core one of democratization, which was perceived to be synonymous with international modernism. Yet its artists functioned within a network of fluid roles designed to openly augment the existing pedagogical structure from within - a specifically Danish phenomenon. This article proposes an alternative framework for late-nineteenth-century Danish art education systems that situates the Study School within the context of Danish culture and as an extension of the social democratic tendencies proliferating at this time, which were significantly influenced by the preacher N.F.S. Grundtvig. Danish artists' actual situation had more to do with assimilating a myriad of local and international impulses into a specifically Danish version of modernism.
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| 18 |
ID:
127038
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As Northern Ireland transitions from violence to sustainable peace, one area in particular that remains deeply divided is the parallel education system that operates for Catholic and Protestant pupils. Working within the existing system of separate education, and underpinned by contact theory, the Sharing Education Programme (SEP) was launched in 2007 to deliver shared classes for pupils from the different sectors. While SEP is a relatively new initiative, evidence suggests that the programme positively impacts intergroup attitudes and behaviours of participants, and contrary to existing polemic that denounces the separate faith schools as a site for reconciliation in divided societies, the effectiveness of the programme suggests that separate education can be harnessed to promote more positive intergroup relations. Indeed, we argue that the value of the shared education approach lies in the fact that it can balance the aspirations of those who advocate separate education as a fundamental right in liberal democratic societies, and those who see integrated or common education as the only solution to ethnic/racial divisions. This ideological bridging enhances the appeal of the shared education model in other similarly divided jurisdictions - a point taken up in the discussion.
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| 19 |
ID:
127046
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| 20 |
ID:
127035
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the experience of Arabic-Hebrew bilingual schools in Israel through the lens of four documentaries. It investigates Zionism's view and understanding of bi-national and bilingual education based on the stories of the documentaries, and on background information received through interviews with the film-directors and school principals. I argue that the materials shown in the documentaries could serve as evidence that even in a bi-national and bilingual educational setting, the hegemony of the majority ethnic group is present and felt. The cinematic choices reflect repetition of specific tropes (e.g. how national holidays are celebrated, creating 'balance' between representations of Palestinian and Jewish suffering) but remain silent about the linguistic challenges and the remaining inequality.
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