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| 1 |
ID:
134567
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| Summary/Abstract |
How do we consolidate developing democratic regimes in the Global South so that the life expectancies of these regimes are considerably sustainable? What have been the key epistemological and normative shortcomings of the mainstream scholarship of democratization? How can we overcome these limitations? Is it necessary to consider the global political economy as a fertile source for deducing some explanatory variables that will help us understand the sources of democratic instability at the national-domestic spheres of political governance? In view of these questions, I contend that there are fundamental limitations in the mainstream scholarship on democratization that we have to overcome. In this essay, I critically appraise the nature of the democratization debate by positing that existing material inequities and injustices in new electoral democracies in the developing world are constitutive of global hegemonic interests that function as the critical determinants of democratic stability. Second, I propose some corrective suggestions that will perhaps inspire a new research agenda about democratization that should overcome the limitations of the current mainstream social science scholarship on democratization. Finally, I articulate some concluding substantive remarks on why we need to bring the global political economy back into our scholarly analyses of democratic consolidation.
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| 2 |
ID:
135158
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The subject contemporary relevance of Nehru is unfolded into five sections. First section introduces the subject by contextualising Nehru’s ideas in the contemporary scenario. Nehruvian ideological system and its utility in the age of globalisation constitute the body of this article. His nationalism, socialism and world view are located and discussed in the second, third and fourth sections, respectively. Nehru’s idea of composite culture, contested by cultural nationalism from the one end and ethno-nationalism from the other end of spectrum comprises the second section. The third section discusses the conception, consolidation, retreat and revival of Nehruvian model of economic development in the light of Washington Consensus and Post-Washington Consensus. His idea of socialism and the mixed economy are debated in liberal, neoliberal and post-neoliberal scenario. His world view faced rough weather during the second and third phase of India’s foreign policy. The former was set in motion after his death, whereas the latter started taking shape in the Post-Soviet world, which has acquired the hegemonic overtones. Contemporary significance of Nehru’s world view in the hegemonic world is probed in the fourth section. The last section sums up the discussion in the form of concluding observations.
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| 3 |
ID:
134246
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This article analyses the Korean developmental state since the late 1990s, and argues that the state has continued to play a weighty role in the economy. The state guided industrial and financial restructuring after the Asian economic crisis, and intervened to stimulate the economy during the 2008 global financial crisis. In doing so, state elites have displayed a distinctive form of economic leadership that is largely consistent with the developmental state. Rather than focusing predominantly on performance-related indicators of state strength such as growth rates, this article analyses the deeper aspects of the developmental state, specifically its internal functions and its collaboration with business. The article brings politics back into analysis of the developmental state by questioning the assumption that strong economic performance is necessary for the maintenance of close ties between the state and chaebol. Instead, economic performance is better understood as a predictor of patterns of conflict and cooperation. Long-standing ties between the state and big business have endured two significant economic crises, even if the performance of the developmental state has been degraded compared to earlier decades.
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| 4 |
ID:
136606
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This article examines the central role of the West German state in the transition from the golden to the global age of capitalism in the crisis decade of the 1970s. I argue that in order to keep the world economy open for its exports and shore up its competitive position, German crisis managers pursued a grand economic strategy that sought to defeat the interventionist and expansionary responses of the European left and to commit the United States to monetary discipline. The success of this strategy had contradictory consequences: It stabilized the social consensus inside Germany but undermined it in states whose economies did not stand to benefit from austerity measures. Germany's particularistic way of coping with the crisis thus contributed decisively, though not deliberately, to the “disembedding” of the liberal international economic order. This argument challenges existing explanations of neoliberalism as an Anglo-American imposition on a passive Western Europe and Japan or as an ideological conversion of policymakers. I conclude with an alternative interpretation that highlights the interplay of divergent and opposing strategies of crisis management as the principal driver of social and world order change in the 1970s and potentially today
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| 5 |
ID:
134664
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This study evaluates the application of international relations theory in the Canadian foreign trade policy literature. It determines that studies can now be categorized into several groups, including: traditional power-based approaches; the content and negotiation of international trade agreements; the globalization of public policy; federalism and international trade; North American integration; and alternative approaches and new directions. For the most part, however, international relations theory is applied unevenly and implicitly in studies of Canadian foreign trade policy, if at all, with an emphasis on realist and neo-liberal approaches highlighting Canada as a principal, dependent, or middle power. It is argued that a greater emphasis on international relations theory, focusing on the level-of-analysis problem, non-state actors, and normative considerations, would improve the understanding and evaluation of Canada’s global trade relations for academics and practitioners.
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| 6 |
ID:
137078
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This paper explores the historical and contemporary sources of food insecurity in Haiti. It begins by detailing the impact of colonial legacies on the Caribbean region as a whole and on Haiti in particular. The adverse consequences associated with this period include deforestation, soil infertility and food-import dependence. The paper then turns to more contemporary trends, namely the influence of 30 years of neoliberal ideology. It argues that the belief that Haiti can best achieve food security through the pursuit of comparative advantage, a notion advanced and supported by powerful international and domestic actors, has served to reinforce harmful historic trends. We support this argument with recent fieldwork findings that highlight how the construction of a new export processing zone (EPZ), following the 2010 earthquake, has generated troubling environmental and food security concerns.
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| 7 |
ID:
135008
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| Summary/Abstract |
A peculiar model of post-communist political economy has evolved in Belarus under President Aliaksandr Lukashenka. It features prioritisation of non-entrepreneurial social groups, a strong role for the state, and extensive social security provision. The model appears to be grounded on Lukashenka's understanding of his political powerbase; having no external backing for his policies, he wants to command as wide grass-roots support as possible to remain in office. By doing so, he rejects the principles of pluralist democracy and market economy, making Belarus's political economy model quite different from that envisaged in the mainstream post-communist theories of neo-liberalism and gradualism.
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| 8 |
ID:
137070
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| Summary/Abstract |
African cotton has been an engine of immiseration. On this the historic record is clear. Since 2002 development policy and decision makers have attempted to treat aspects of this unwelcome condition by focusing official poverty-reduction efforts more explicitly on cotton. While these anti-poverty palliatives have doubtless been well-warranted, the preferred poverty pain relievers have under-performed. This article argues that poverty reduction efforts undertaken for African cotton at multiple levels over the past 13 years have been overly infused with neoliberal ideas. Many experts have simply not cottoned on to the possibility that prescriptions steeped in neoliberal predispositions might only alleviate some of the symptoms that their African ‘patients’ experience every day. In this context status quo poverty reduction initiatives come at a high potential risk and cost. Absent a rethink, in this case the poverty of ‘poverty reduction’ could well be cemented.
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| 9 |
ID:
136151
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Expressions of disaffection with politics are often connected with criticism of the ways in which contemporary politicians speak and communicate. In this article I show how political speech is in part a product of the way in which a society organises and arranges communication institutionally, technologically and aesthetically. The art of rhetoric is most fundamentally concerned with how, in the midst of political dispute and contestation, political arguments may be made persuasive through their connection with the ‘common sense’ of audiences. This process enables a people to reflect on its beliefs and values and to assess their adequacy in particular circumstances. Decline in this art may be attributed to social and technological change but also, and above all, to the dominance of ideologies hostile to the concepts of ‘common sense’ and ‘common good’, and which privilege the arts of behaviour change and choice management over those of argument, debate and persuasion.
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| 10 |
ID:
134692
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to critically examine the political economy of the Northern Irish “peace process.” When the principal paramilitary organizations in the region declared cease-fires in 1994, it was widely assumed that political progress would be followed by economic prosperity. However, this “peace dividend” has never fully materialized. Those working-class communities that were at the center of the Troubles have derived little economic benefit over the last two decades. Indeed, if anything the already substantial class divisions in the six counties have become more pronounced over the course of the peace process. The article concludes by suggesting that these widening socioeconomic disparities have the potential to undermine the prevailing political settlement in Northern Ireland.
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| 11 |
ID:
135784
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article proposes, as test cases, three TV documentaries that underwent economic censorship in Israeli media in 2001–2014. Economic censorship, very rarely exposed, is a relatively new concept, and is as yet uncommon in media research, although it has been flourishing throughout the neoliberal global media economy over the past three decades. Since the 1980s, Israel's successive military conflicts have been intertwined in a neoliberal hegemony, whereas from the 2000s, neoliberalism was transformed into an extreme version, destroying the former Israeli welfare state, its social order and ideology. The analysis reveals the prominent function of commercial and public TV Channels in the implementation and amplification of neoliberalism proper, neoliberal doctrine, and a culture of neoliberalism to or for Israeli audiences, while ‘Acts of Resistance’, drawn from a relatively autonomous field of production – the TV documentary – challenge neoliberal hegemony, also by continuing to stir activists' consciences before and throughout the social protests in 2011 and their aftermath.
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| 12 |
ID:
135785
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| Summary/Abstract |
The attempt to present the 2011 social protests as a demand for improving the standard of living is nothing but cheap demagoguery that reveals the political leadership's detachment more than anything else. This article argues that these protests are a sign of the maturity of Israeli society and a historic event. They demonstrate mature insight on the part of an educated Israeli public that sees itself as part of the developed Western world. For the first time in a generation, the Israeli public is complaining about the absence of a guiding ideological foundation for the general social choices being made in their name by their elected representatives. Post-2011 Israel is a country where the public is forcing its elected officials to engage in a debate about the ideas of neo-liberalism and demanding that they take a clear stand about available ideological options and act accordingly.
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