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| 1 |
ID:
135119
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| Summary/Abstract |
In order to combat governments’ efforts to isolate their people from the outside world, individuals in countries across the globe have developed alternative social media for their fellow citizens. World Policy Journal has identified six alternative social media sites that are engaging locals on a daily basis.
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| 2 |
ID:
136593
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the summer of 2014, the U.S. government once again offered the State of Israel unwavering support for its aggression against the Palestinian people. Among the U.S. public, however, there was growing disenchantment with Israel. The information explosion on social media has provided the public globally with much greater access to the Palestinian narrative unfiltered by the Israeli lens. In the United States, this has translated into a growing political split on the question of Palestine between a more diverse and engaged younger population and an older generation reared on the long-standing tropes of Israel’s discourse. Drawing analogies between this paradigm shift and the turning point in the civil rights movement enshrined in Mississippi’s 1964 Freedom Summer, author and scholar Robin Kelley goes on to ask whether the outrage of the summer of 2014 can be galvanized to transform official U.S. policy.
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| 3 |
ID:
135116
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Big question: have social media and/or smartphones disrupted life in your part of the world?
/ Valenzuela, Sebastián; Valdimarsson, Valgeir ; Egbunike, Nwachukwu ; Fraser, Matthew, Sey, Araba, Pallaev, Tohir, Chachavalpongpun, Pavin, Saka, Erkan, Lyubashenko, Igor
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Social media and smartphones, the latter carrying this newest of mankind’s means of communication and activism, have in many cases served as agents of change for both good and ill. We asked our panel of global experts how these new networks and those who use them may have disrupted daily life in their respective parts of the world.
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| 4 |
ID:
135912
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| Summary/Abstract |
The citizen journalism group 140journos was founded in early 2012 by a group of college students who were frustrated with the shortcomings of the mainstream media coverage in Turkey. The group of students began aggregating on-the-ground news using Twitter, and their group name is a reference to the maximum number of characters in a tweet—140. The group gained momentum when the Gezi Park protests erupted in the summer of 2013. The new surge of protest activity helped the group develop a network of contributors, and their Twitter account has grown into a trusted source of news. Now with 53,000 followers, the account is still a small operation. Nevertheless, the news group is protective of the reputation that it has earned and vigorously checks sources and verifies its tweets. The Journal of International Affairs spoke with Burcu Baykurt, who joined 140journos in mid-2012, to talk more about how the group formed and how it is contributing to a changing media landscape in a country still grappling with censorship. Baykurt is currently a third-year PhD student at Columbia University’s School of Journalism, where she is researching Internet policymaking.
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| 5 |
ID:
135911
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| Summary/Abstract |
Bahrain is one of the only countries where, four years into the “Arab Spring” uprisings, most people continue to use peaceful methods of resistance, including technological advancements and the use of social media for mobility. Over time, political stalemate, impunity, and the closure of most avenues for peaceful dissent caused many individuals to become disenchanted with the results of these nonviolent tactics, turning instead towards more violent means of protest. Inside Bahrain, opposition groups used the people’s dedication to nonviolence to better position themselves. In addition, international responses to violent strategies elsewhere in the region have led to foreign military intervention, greater political attention in international forums, and more consistent coverage in mainstream media outlets. The use of peaceful dissent also suffers from a lack of international legal protection and regulation. The lack of regulation left those suffering from grave human rights violations as a result of peaceful dissent with few avenues that could provide more protection and accountability. Through the lens of the Bahraini protests, this article analyzes how the strategy of using nonviolence to create social and political change has been undermined and almost obliterated due to the lack of international legal structures to protect peaceful protesters from their governments, as well as the double standards apparent in the response of the international community.
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| 6 |
ID:
135635
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| Summary/Abstract |
The forbidden world of the Border Security Force (BSF) finds true expression only through the closed groups in the social media. The rank and file of the BSF, being governed by stringent special act and rules, are not at liberty to air their views freely and hence, release their pent up frustration by indulging in closed group discussions.
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| 7 |
ID:
135744
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As a US-led coalition considers its options against Islamic state, Ezzeldeen Khalid examines the growing sophistication of the group’s use of social media to intimidate its opponents and win the support of local populations
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| 8 |
ID:
135117
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As the Ebola virus spreads across Western Africa, World Policy Journal explores the role of social media in tracking epidemics. In order to measure social media’s impact, we compare the number of reported cases and deaths through social media with that of the World Health Organization (WHO), the international body responding to the virus in Liberia, Guinea, and Sierra Leone, in May, June, and July 2014. The information is compiled through Crisis NET, a cutting-edge platform that collects and houses incident data. Crisis NET’s
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| 9 |
ID:
134960
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The end of the civil war in 2009 heralded hope that a new era of peace and inter-ethnic cooperation might be possible in post-war Sri Lanka. This hope now seems, at best, mere wishful thinking, as this article highlights an emerging conflict between the Sinhalese Buddhist majority and Sri Lankan Muslims. Through detailed analysis of online social data, argued evidence is provided that Muslim Sri Lankans are now at the receiving end of Islamaphobic rhetoric, even violence, from Sinhala Buddhist nationalist organisations, driven by a belief that the Muslim community represent a threat to Buddhism. The article suggests that Sinhala nationalists have skilfully adopted new internet technologies which have proved effective in their anti-Muslim campaigns. It becomes necessary to conclude that these attacks on Muslim minorities are an extension of pre-existing oppression patterns faced by other minorities residing on the island, particularly Tamils. Indeed, the rhetoric behind these attacks bears a striking resemblance to the type of nationalist discourse found during the Sri Lankan civil war
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| 10 |
ID:
135906
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If there are two things that unite the stunningly diverse movements of the last five years, it is their reliance on new digital media and their determination to enact, as well as bring about, more participatory forms of democracy. In this paper, I look at these developments separately and together. Why has enthusiasm for consensus-based decision making and leaderless organizations that were seemingly abandoned by the 1970s gained new life? How has that enthusiasm come to be shared by the right and left, by Tea Party members alongside Occupy activists? Without diminishing the importance of economic crises and policymakers’ responses to those crises in shaping the movements of the last five years, I call attention to developments both outside and within movements that have made ours into a participatory age. Among those developments, the rise of the Internet has not only made protests easier to organize, it has also produced new understandings of equality, organization, and democracy. Yet the contemporary zeal for participation has also created new challenges for activists. Among these is the challenge to make participatory democracy attractive to people who do not have a deep ideological commitment to it.
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| 11 |
ID:
135952
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This article examines popular representations of Japan and China before and during the war, assesses the ideas of key figures from the press, and considers the ways in which media and policy interacted through the influence of opinion leaders. These prepared the way for the ‘soft’ peace relying on Japanese cooperation that would become the basis for a new alliance between America and Japan.
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| 12 |
ID:
134250
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the evolving uses of social media during wartime through the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) Spokesperson Facebook and Twitter accounts. The conflict between Israel and Hamas-affiliated groups in November 2012 has generated interesting data about social media use by a sovereign power in wartime and the resultant networked discourse. Facebook data is examined for effective patterns of dissemination through both content analysis and discourse analysis. Twitter data is explored through connected concept analysis to map the construction of meaning in social media texts shared by the IDF. The systematic examination of this social media data allows the authors’ analysis to comment on the evolving modes, methods and expectations for state public diplomacy, propaganda and transparency during wartime.
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| 13 |
ID:
135381
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| Summary/Abstract |
The rise of China’s rights defence movement has occurred in tandem with the rapid development of the Internet in China. Various forms of rights defence inside and outside of the courtroom have emerged and developed alongside changes to China’s ideological, political, and legal systems and social structure. Similarly, Internet technology such as microblogs and other social media are enriching the modalities of activity in the rights defence movement, enhancing the mobilisation capacity of activists, and accelerating the systematisation of popular rights defence, profoundly affecting China’s ongoing political transformation.
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| 14 |
ID:
135902
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recently, social movements have shaken countries around the world. Most of these movements have thoroughly integrated digital connectivity into their toolkits, especially for organizing, gaining publicity, and effectively communicating. Governments, too, have been adapting to this new reality where controlling the flow of information provides new challenges. This article examines the multiple, often novel, ways in which social media both empowers new digitally-fueled movements and contributes to their apparent weaknesses in seemingly paradoxically ways. This article also integrates the evolving governmental response into its analysis. Social media’s empowering aspects are real and profound, but these impacts do not play out in a simple, linear fashion. The ability to scale-up quickly using digital infrastructure has empowered movements to embrace their horizontalist and leaderless aspirations, which in turn have engendered new weak- nesses after the initial phase of street actions ebbs. Movements without organizational depth are often unable to weather such transitions. While digital media create more possibilities to evade censorship, many governments have responded by demonizing and attacking social media, thus contributing to polarized environments in which dissidents have access to a very different set of information compared to those more loyal to the regime. This makes it hard to create truly national campaigns of dissent. This article provides an overview of this complex, evolving environment with examples ranging from the Tahrir Square protests in Egypt to the Occupy movement.
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