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| 1 |
ID:
136482
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| Summary/Abstract |
Western Sahara is rich in phosphates and natural resources, a main reason Morocco has summarily annexed it. In doing so, however, Morocco has ignored the rights of the Sahrawis, fighting a silent war for independence over the last 40 years. Hannah Rae Armstrong examines how Morocco has illegally exploited the territory for its resources and argues that if the international community does not respond, the Sahrawi may be forced to take up arms once again.
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| 2 |
ID:
134489
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A new round of Commonwealth reform proposals commenced at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting of 2009. An ensuing report, titled A Commonwealth of the people: time for urgent reform, contained a long list of proposals that eventually resulted in 2013 in the adoption of the Commonwealth Charter. Many classic international organizations are in need of reform, but this is, of course, challenging. This new Commonwealth reform process will not lead to satisfying changes and will not make it a more relevant actor in global governance. The year 2015 marks the Commonwealth Secretariat's first half-century. We take this symbolic marker to push for a forward-looking exercise, arguing that because the true nature of the Commonwealth is often misunderstood, a better understanding of the organization is essential before embarking on any successful change-management project. In the article we identify four different kinds of Commonwealth: three of a ‘formal’ nature (the official, bureaucratic and the people's Commonwealth) and a fourth ‘informal’ one (Commonwealth Plus). By describing the potential of these four different kinds of Commonwealth, we can anticipate better the challenges with which the Commonwealth network is faced, both internal (including its mandate, its British imperial past and dominance, the organization's leadership and its membership) and external (other international organizations, other Commonwealths, rivalry with regional organizations and the rise of global policy networks). Consequently, this should lead to a better and more sustainable debate about the Commonwealth's future role in global governance.
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| 3 |
ID:
134752
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British geostrategic considerations underwent an ad hoc metamorphosis during the decade following Great Britain’s retreat from formal territorial empire (1957-67). This essay investigates the shifting roles envisioned by British policymakers for vestigial colonial holdings in the Arabian Peninsula, specifically the Colony of Aden and Protectorate of Aden. Throughout the decade in question, policies regarding the burgeoning Cold War, the decline of formal empire, and Britain’s role in the world as an independent power and key partner of the United States became differentiated from initial postwar positions. Aden played a vital role in this decision making while providing a rough proxy of larger geopolitical trends.
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| 4 |
ID:
137007
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This article examines calls for the introduction of partisan politics into the District Assemblies system, which is the core institution in Ghana’s democratic decentralization program. I argue that in spite of constitutional provisions and an enabling legislation on the need for a ‘politically neutral’ District Assemblies system, this has not been the case, ironically partly due to the composition of the membership of the Assemblies as provided for in the 1992 Constitution and the unnecessary interferences by governments. This situation, the article notes, has undermined the effectiveness of the District Assemblies system. The article concludes by recommending certain measures that must be put in place if the situation is to be arrested and ensure the attainment of the goals of the District Assemblies system.
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| 5 |
ID:
136943
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ever since different communities began processes of global migration, sport has been an integral feature in how we conceptualise and experience the notion of being part of a diaspora. Sport provides diasporic communities with a powerful means of creating transnational ties, but also shapes ideas of their ethnic and racial identities. In spite of this, theories of diaspora have been applied sparingly to sporting discourses. Due mainly to its central role in spreading dominant white racial narratives within the British Empire, and the various ways different ethnic groups have ‘played’ with the meanings and associations of the sport in the (post-)colonial period, CRICKET is an interesting focus for academic research. Despite W.G. Grace’s claim that CRICKET advances civilisation by promoting a common bond, binding together peoples of vastly different backgrounds, to this day cricket operates strict symbolic boundaries; defining those who do, and equally, do not, belong. C.L.R. James’ now famous metaphor of looking ‘beyond the boundary’ captures the belief that, to fully understand the significance of cricket, and the sport’s roles in changing and shaping society, one must consider the wider social and political contexts within which the game is played. The collection of articles in this special issue does just that. Cricket acts as the point of departure in each, but the way in which ideas of power, representation and inequality are ‘played out’ is unique in each.
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| 6 |
ID:
134625
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This article will focus on an ongoing process of Jerusalem’s contested urban space during the last decade namely the immigration of Palestinians, mostly Israeli citizens, to “satellite neighbourhoods”, i.e. Jerusalem’s colonial neighbourhoods that were constructed after 1967. Theoretically, this paper attempts to discuss neighbourhood planning in contested cities within the framework of geopolitics. In more details, we will focus on the relevance of geopolitics to the study of neighbourhood planning, by which we mean not merely a discussion of international relations and conflict or of the roles of military acts and wars in producing space. Rather, geopolitics refers to the emergence of discourses and forces connected with the technologies of control, patterns of internal migrations by individuals and communities, and the flow of cultures and capital.
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| 7 |
ID:
134266
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This paper studies photographs of Bombay's built environment, especially Dalit and working-class houses, taken by two social scientists in the 1920s and 1930s. The photographs are situated at the intersection of four discursive temporalities: (a) social reforms initiated by Indian nationalists of the late nineteenth to twentieth centuries; (b) sanitary reforms and urban restructuring undertaken by city administrators and the colonial state, which reappeared vigorously after the plague epidemic of 1896; (c) colonial knowledge production, including census, labour and housing reports that informed academic social–scientific knowledge; and (d) Dalit and working-class social movements that aspired to transgressing the limits of reform in order to re-define self and the collective, and demand the redistribution of material resources.
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| 8 |
ID:
136807
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India and Africa are two ancient civilizations. Both share a common colonial past and ideological orientation. India’s engagement with Africa in modern times goes back to the pre-colonial period. Since the British colonial rule was also established in many African countries, they became instrumental in initiating the interactions between the two peoples. For the purpose of colonial exploitation the cheap labour from India was brought in many African countries to work as plantation workers.
India
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| 9 |
ID:
135796
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This introduction outlines some major ways in which regions and regionalism have been defined. It provides a brief overview of the contents of this special edition of India Review.
From India’s colonial period to the present, administrators, scholars, and pundits alike have prophesized India’s breakup and demise. They had some reason for concern, given the widely recognized diversity of India’s geography in addition to its linguistic, economic, religious, and ethnic communities. Many of these communities have found voice, and even success, in regional movements that have led to the creation of new states and the redrawing of India’s map. The reality is that India’s democratic framework and its ability to accommodate most of these demands demonstrates a fundamental resiliency.
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| 10 |
ID:
137006
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Colonial legal historiography has tended to focus on customary tribunals rather than ‘European’ courts. This article offers a new vantage point from which to view Kenya’s legal system by looking at colonial judges through the eyes of the trial lawyers who appeared before them. By the late 1950s, Asian lawyers were numerically superior to Europeans and there was only a handful of African advocates. The focus of this article is these advocates’ day-to-day court experiences, and their assessment of individual judges’ competence, roles and attitudes. Their oral testimony adds to our understanding of the function of Kenya’s superior courts and the characters and outlook of the judges and lawyers who staffed them.
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| 11 |
ID:
135800
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the Kosala movement in western Odisha in the light of a general model of sub-national movements in India. The popular agitation for a separate State has many of the ingredients of similar separatist movements in other parts of India. It draws on sentiments of discrimination and relative deprivation, for which the activists hold politicians from the more advanced coastal districts of Odisha responsible. Supporters of the movement point towards historical records of powerful kingdoms with all the ritual paraphenalia that go into the making of proto-states. Yet, the articulation of a strong sub-regional voice under the leadership of a political party comparable to the TRS in Telengana is absent. Detailed analysis reveals “Kosala identity” to lack cohesion. It is more a politically convenient label than a cohesive core capable of extracting the kind of sacrifice from participants. Finally, there are powerful countervailing, centripetal forces that act against the tendency towards separatism.
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| 12 |
ID:
135432
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| Summary/Abstract |
Meghalaya has been known for its coal and limestone mines right from the time of the British rule. Since coal in Meghalaya occurs in shallow seams, the British found it convenient to allow the locals to mine it in the way they saw fit, which was by digging a hole around the mines and venturing inside at a depth of about 20 feet and then proceeding horizontally across to get the coal out. It was the same with limestone. Geologists have maintained all along that mining of coal scientifically is not a viable proposition. After Meghalaya attained Statehood in 1972, coal exploration was taken up by the State Directorate of Mining and Geology and the Geological Institute of India to ascertain its commercial viability. Earlier coal was mined from the Sohra region of East Khasi Hills. Later coal was found occurring in large parts of Jaintia Hills, West Khasi Hills and Garo Hills. Late Prof. G..G.. Swell who was the Lok Sabha MP in the 70’s wrote to the then Union Minister for Mines that Meghalaya be allowed to proceed with what is now the most famous phrase – rat hole mining which he said was the traditional way of mining coal
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| 13 |
ID:
135718
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Lord Shiva is alive and well in Thailand, but few if any know where he is. But with a little curiosity and the willingness to explore his whereabouts the results will reveal a surprising amount of presence of Lord Shiva in Thailand. Of the twelve royal festivals that still take place under the guidance of the Phra Maha Rajaguru Bidhi Sri Visudhigun, head Brahman priest to the royal family, Lord Shiva is not only recognized but is invited to stay in Thailand for ten days during the Giant Swing ceremony, which takes place in January of every year.
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| 14 |
ID:
135719
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although, ancient Cham sculptures underwent transformation under the influence of Brahmanism was presented under certain common rules — to portray gods and to reflect subjects of Brahmanism — on the other, and yet it boasts its own features and Champanization. Contrary to the Indian, the Khmer, and the Cham, the Cham sculptures reflect Shiva in the art of stone sculpture and temples. They believe in Shivaism and consider Shiva as the prime divinity of the kingdom.
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