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| 1 |
ID:
136333
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| Summary/Abstract |
The idea of pacifism dates back to the comprehensive social reforms that were introduced after Japan’s surrender in World War II. The U.S.-led occupying forces carried out a series of democratization and demilitarization policies in a bid to establish a government that would respect other countries and embrace the UN Charter. The U.S. wanted a Japan that would no longer pose a threat to them and to international peace and security. Those policies soon led to a breakdown of Japan’s old systems. In contrast to militarism during the pre-war period, Japan’s U.S.-led social reforms were peaceful. With the gradual evolution of policy adjustments, Japan gradually achieved rapid economic growth and regained recognition from the international community. It apologized for its war-time aggression. Pacifism was widely accepted by the Japanese people and it laid a foundation for Japan’s peaceful development. And so pacifism became part of the Japanese society’s system of values.
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| 2 |
ID:
136563
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This paper argues that new interpretations of “eating bitterness” (吃苦, chiku) have firmly entered the landscape of China’s social organisation. Whereas the bitterness eaten by heroic types in China’s revolutionary past was directed towards serving others, now the aim of eating bitterness is self-awareness. Furthermore, bitterness-eating, which once pertained to rural-urban migrant workers as opposed to discourses of urban “quality” (素质, suzhi), has now also been taken up by the urban middle classes. A new cultural distinction, therefore, adds dignity to migrant workers while potentially marginalising a wide range of unproductive people, both urban and rural. This distinction ultimately mitigates risk to the Chinese regime because the regime makes sure to reward those who eat bitterness. This paper is based on ethnographic data gathered in Anshan, from the rural areas surrounding Chengdu, and our analysis of a TV show about a peasant boy who becomes a Special Forces soldier.
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| 3 |
ID:
134765
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Population ageing is one of the most pressing problems around the world, especially in the context of urbanisation and industrialisation. In China, the issue of aged care is particularly complex as the state’s “one child” policy, increased life expectancy, the weakened role of family care and the limitation of formal care provision all interact with one another, thereby exacerbating the problem. This article analyses the challenges of the Chinese traditional care pattern for the elderly, examines the development of long-term care provisions and then discusses the further development of elderly care models in urban China.
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| 4 |
ID:
136140
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Addressing the multiple dimensions of gender inequality requires commitments by policy-makers, practitioners and scholars to transformative practices. One challenge is to assemble a coherent conceptual framework from diverse knowledges and experiences. In this paper, we present a framework that emerged from our involvement in changing market culture in the Pacific, which we name a radical empowerment of women approach. We draw on detailed narratives from women market vendors and women-led new initiatives in marketplaces to explain this approach. We argue that the primary focus of recently developed projects for marketplaces in the Pacific is technical and infrastructural, which is insufficient for addressing gendered political and economic causes of poor market management and oppressive conditions for women vendors. By exploring the complex array of motives and effects of the desire to transform or improve marketplaces in the Pacific, we caution against simplistic technical or infrastructural solutions. This paper also introduces the practice of working as a cooperative, hybrid research collaboration. The knowledges and analyses that we bring to this issue demonstrate that substantive analysis generated from diverse and shifting ‘locations’ and roles, but underpinned by a shared vision of, and commitment to, gender justice, can provide distinctive policy and research insights.
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| 5 |
ID:
135156
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Good governance—which includes accountability, transparency, an effective bureaucracy, regulatory quality, electoral competition, political checks and balances and rule of law—is considered the single most important factor in eradicating poverty and promoting development. The article discusses changes that have taken place in India with regard to governance reforms, focusing on reforms related to decentralisation. A review of available evidence does not provide any definitive conclusion about the effectiveness of decentralisation in facilitating democratic deepening and improving the responsiveness of government. In most cases, decentralisation has failed to bring popular participation and accountability to local government, thereby making it less responsive to citizens’ desires and less effective in delivering services. Appropriate institutions, rules and incentive mechanisms are needed to link the citizens with government. Capacity development of the citizens and conscious and combined efforts by government and non-government organisations could potentially improve both the governance system as well as public service delivery.
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| 6 |
ID:
136098
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| Summary/Abstract |
EU citizenship is often regarded as the culmination of a process whereby the transnational mobility of “workers” has led to the granting of rights to “humans” qua citizens, with both legal scholars and ethnographers emphasizing its normative significance in this respect. Challenging such a narrative, this study sets out to highlight the contingent nature of a postnational EU citizenship, with reference to the lived experiences of migrant Roma. As a first step, we highlight the conditionality within EU law associated with the granting of rights to those enacting EU citizenship by residing within EU territory beyond their own member state. In a second step, we highlight the variable ways in which such conditionality is deployed in different national contexts, with reference to the frameworks in France and Spain. While the former has deployed these conditions in a manner that has excluded EU citizens, particularly migrant Roma, the latter—at least for a time—was more permissive in its granting of rights to EU citizens than EU law required. However, in a third step, we suggest that the lived experiences of migrant Roma in these two national contexts have not been as different as the legal differences suggest. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork on Romanian Roma in two municipalities near Barcelona, we demonstrate the ways in which a local politics of exclusion is legally possible, even within an ostensibly permissive juridical framework of citizenship. We highlight how the ambiguity of a multilevel citizenship not only opens up possibilities for multifaceted forms of exclusion, but also for various forms of resistance, both within and beyond a juridical citizenship framework.
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| 7 |
ID:
134266
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper studies photographs of Bombay's built environment, especially Dalit and working-class houses, taken by two social scientists in the 1920s and 1930s. The photographs are situated at the intersection of four discursive temporalities: (a) social reforms initiated by Indian nationalists of the late nineteenth to twentieth centuries; (b) sanitary reforms and urban restructuring undertaken by city administrators and the colonial state, which reappeared vigorously after the plague epidemic of 1896; (c) colonial knowledge production, including census, labour and housing reports that informed academic social–scientific knowledge; and (d) Dalit and working-class social movements that aspired to transgressing the limits of reform in order to re-define self and the collective, and demand the redistribution of material resources.
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| 8 |
ID:
135146
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Rejecting the various ‘World Order Models’ being projected as a panacea for a lasting peace, Nehru visualised ‘World Union’ based on democratic principles to create an egalitarian social and economic order across the globe and to eliminate the recurring phenomena of conflict and tension which produce wars at regular intervals. The perceived ‘World Government’ could provide a platform to manage and eliminate the modern forms of warfare: ethnic conflicts, proxy wars, militancy, terrorism, etc., while accommodating and redressing the grievances and resentments of specific people across as well as within the borders of national units. A global legislature can provide the community of nations a uniform, codified and effective international legal order. The Nehruvian model which sought to create an egalitarian, ‘planned’ and ‘socialised’ world economic order by eliminating imperialism and colonialism in all forms and manifestations could be relevant to manage the global economic crisis and also for the development of underdeveloped world. A World Union based on democracy and freedom may protect individual and group rights against ethnic cleansings and genocides and may help to universalise the institution of democracy. A strong world government, suggested by Nehru, can control nuclear proliferation and save mankind from the scourge of nuclear war.
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| 9 |
ID:
135389
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On May 29, "2012, Xu Zhiyong published an article titled “New Citizens Movement" (sometimes translated New Civil Movement), it is presented here in English for the first time with the permission of Xu Zhiyong (translated by an anonymous friend of the blog). Since publishing this essay Xu has twice been detained illegally, but, unfortunately, this has not received attention in the international press. Yaxue translated his account of the first disappearance (Xu has disappeared several times over his career as
an outspoken human rights lawyer, including an incident just one week before he published this). This essay and Xu’s activism is truly deserving of further coverage overseas as it offers a comprehensive path for reform in China.
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| 10 |
ID:
135416
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the sectarian maelstrom of Iraq. One voice has spoken up for moderation and restraint,
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| 11 |
ID:
135545
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scholars of international relations often operate under the assumption that their project is to generate the truth, to come to some objective understanding of what the international sphere is and how it works. Most contemporary international relations theory, though, is tainted by a major source of bias: it is produced in western nations by western authors for western readers. International relations theory is skewed westward, which impairs its ability to explain and to produce social good.
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