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| 1 |
ID:
135680
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| Summary/Abstract |
As Norway and the Netherlands consider their future submarine requirements, the possibility of a co-operative or collaborative acquisition programme in northern Europe is now surfacing on the defence, industrial and political agenda. Richard Scott Report.
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| 2 |
ID:
134718
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Czech politics suffers from a low durability of most of its governments, and frequent government crises. One of the products of this situation has been the phenomenon of caretaker governments. This article analyses why political elites have resorted to this solution, and discusses how this has reflected an older Czech tradition. Two cases of such governments are analysed in detail. The Tošovský government was characterised by the ability of the Czech president to advance his agenda through this government at a time when the party elites were divided. The Fischer government was characterised by the considerably higher role of parties that shaped and limited the agenda of the cabinet, and the president played a more static role.
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| 3 |
ID:
135200
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Chinese President Xi Jinping has articulated a simple but powerful vision: the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. It is a patriotic call to arms, drawing inspiration from the glories of China’s imperial past and the ideals of its socialist present to promote political unity at home and influence abroad. After just two years in office, Xi has advanced himself as a transformative leader, adopting an agenda that proposes to reform, if not revolutionize, political and economic relations not only within China but also with the rest of the world.
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| 4 |
ID:
134570
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article attempts to highlight major institutional causes for weaknesses of multilateralism in energy relations between States. In particular, the view defended here focuses on the concept of logic of appropriateness, which helps to conceptualize the level of acceptance of norms and practices. Four various angles of institutions of energy relations are then analyzed: political vs economic angles and rational vs value angles. On these grounds, the case study about the Energy Charter process is then analyzed. In conclusion, the article argues that the Energy Charter process is an explicit attempt to create an international governance, although the issues of acceptance (conflict of appropriateness) is an important barrier to the multilateralism in energy.
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| 5 |
ID:
137024
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have frequently used sanctions to fight declining levels of democracy and human rights violations abroad. However, some of the world’s most repressive autocracies have never been subjected to sanctions, while other more competitive authoritarian regimes have been exposed to repeated sanction episodes. In this article, we concentrate on the cost–benefit analysis of Western senders that issue democratic sanctions, those which aim to instigate democratization, against authoritarian states. We argue that Western leaders weight domestic and international pressure to impose sanctions against the probability of sanction success and the sender’s own political and economic costs. Their cost–benefit calculus is fundamentally influenced by the strength of trigger events indicating infringements of democratic and human rights. Western sanction senders are most likely to respond to coups d’état, the most drastic trigger events, and tend to sanction vulnerable targets to a higher extent than stable authoritarian regimes. Senders are also more likely to sanction poor targets less integrated in the global economy and countries that do not align with the Western international political agenda, especially in responding to ‘weaker’ trigger events such as controversial elections. The analysis is carried out using a new dataset of US and EU sanctions against authoritarian states in the period 1990–2010.
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| 6 |
ID:
134802
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Political science is falling behind a broad movement in the United States that seeks to reform the teaching of scientific literacy in undergraduate education. Indeed, political science is far behind that movement because the discipline does not have a collective commitment to science education at the undergraduate level. This article discusses prominent efforts in this reform movement and assesses the state of science education in our discipline. The authors propose an agenda for action on this issue in political science as well as fundamental educational benchmarks for undergraduate political science literacy.
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| 7 |
ID:
134267
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| Summary/Abstract |
Attention to the visual within the political anthropology of India has focused almost exclusively on spectacle and the excessively visible. This paper examines the question of visibility by interrogating the conditions that enable collective agendas to be seen as political, and advocates closer attention to the role of the state in these processes of recognition. In doing so, it emphasises shifts in the visual aspects of communicative networks and uses specific examples of mass protest and blockage agitation to trace longer histories of practice, expanding the domains of both the visual and the political available as objects of scholarly attention.
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| 8 |
ID:
134799
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Journalists consider the importance of events and the audience’s interest in them when deciding on which events to report. Events most likely to be reported are those that are both important and can capture the audience’s interest. In turn, the public is most likely to become aware of important news when some aspect of the story piques their interest. We suggest an efficacious means of drawing public attention to important news stories: dogs. Examining the national news agenda of 10 regional newspapers relative to that of the New York Times, we evaluated the effect of having a dog in a news event on the likelihood that the event is reported in regional newspapers. The “dog effect” is approximately equivalent to the effect of whether a story warrants front- or back-page national news coverage in the New York Times. Thus, we conclude that dogs are an important factor in news decisions.
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| 9 |
ID:
136220
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Climate change has been successfully represented as a security concern to such an extent that it is firmly established on the political agenda, even though the implementation of concrete policies is disputed. In this paper, we develop an analytical framework to better trace the process of securitising climate change and assess its normative implications. We establish a typology of six climate security discourses on the basis of two dimensions: three levels of referent objects and two logics of securitisation, one that corresponds to the original Copenhagen School framework and one where the threat takes the form of the invocation of risk. We find that there are significant differences in the relative importance of the resulting climate security discourses in Germany and the US, but that normatively, all discourses come with their own problems, which calls for more detailed scrutiny and assessment of climate security discourses and their political effects.
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