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| 1 |
ID:
134566
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that long-term changes in Turkish foreign policy are primarily due to the diversification of the country's political and economic interests. Important international structural shifts such as the end of the Cold War or the broad fluctuations in oil prices have constituted the initial impetus for the changes that we have seen in Turkish policies. Discussing alternative perspectives on new activism in Turkish foreign policy, the article gauges Turkey's foreign policy affinity (based on voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly) and trade with other states to place recent trends in the broader context of the past three decades. It shows that, as the “West” has become less coherent in its policies, Turkey has moved closer to EU members and distanced itself from the US. The data also undermine “shift of axis” arguments as Turkey's foreign policy affinity with Middle Eastern countries has, in fact, declined. The trade data reveal a diversification of the country's commercial interests that contribute to Turkey's increasing regional activism. The country now balances its long term European interests with its recent regional ones.
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| 2 |
ID:
135272
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although some Middle Eastern countries, such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey, have tried to influence developments in Afghanistan from time to time, Iran—due to a long common history, geographic proximity, and cultural similarities—is by far Afghanistan's most important neighbor. In this article I seek to demonstrate that Iran, contrary to its image and often even more consistently than pro-Western countries such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey, has since 1979 acted in favor of an independent, centrally and moderately governed Afghanistan. Therefore, Iran will probably also be a stabilizing factor rather than a spoiler in every post–International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) scenario in Kabul.
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| 3 |
ID:
135554
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| Summary/Abstract |
What the British historian Eric Hobsbawm called “the long 19th century” ended 100 years ago, in 1914, in Sarajevo, with the two pistol shots that sparked World War I. Another historian, Fritz Stern, described that war as “the first calamity of the 20th century … the calamity from which all other calamities sprang.” These disasters included the Great War itself, which claimed some 20 million lives, including victims of the new century’s first genocide, in Turkey; the October Revolution in St. Petersburg, which gave birth to an ideological empire that would kill tens of millions of people and imprison hundreds of millions more; the rise of Nazism out of Germany’s defeat; World War II, with another 60 million deaths, including genocide on an unprecedented scale; the upheavals and wars beyond the borders of Europe that followed the end of colonialism; and the division of the postwar world into two nuclear-armed camps, which fought each other through proxies in post-colonial lands.
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| 4 |
ID:
136417
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the special features, trends, and dynamics of Iranian-Turkish relations in Central Asia (CA) in anticipation of removal of the sanctions from Iran and transformation of the entire international relations system. It analyzes the specifics of Turkey’s current Central Asian approaches and identifies the key external factors that are influencing the development of its relations with the region’s countries from the outside.
The author examines the new aspects of Ankara’s Central Asian strategy from this viewpoint, as well as the Islamic Republic of Iran’s (IRI) role in it. The author also stresses the importance of what she considers to be the main factors: Euro-Atlantic (the U.S. and EU) and Eurasian (Russia, China).
The article closes by noting that the increasing pragmatism and rationalism in the present approaches of Turkey and Iran is allowing them to establish balanced and restrained cooperation with the CA countries, keeping in mind their common historical-cultural and spiritual heritage, as well as the prospects for potentially mutually advantageous partnership within the framework of the planned New Silk Road energy transportation corridors.
In so doing, Iran or Turkey gaining a stronger position in the current system of relations will depend not only on resolving the current Iranian-American and other interstate problems, but also on the efficiency of their regional strategies and the degree to which the CA countries’ interests are observed.
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| 5 |
ID:
135912
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| Summary/Abstract |
The citizen journalism group 140journos was founded in early 2012 by a group of college students who were frustrated with the shortcomings of the mainstream media coverage in Turkey. The group of students began aggregating on-the-ground news using Twitter, and their group name is a reference to the maximum number of characters in a tweet—140. The group gained momentum when the Gezi Park protests erupted in the summer of 2013. The new surge of protest activity helped the group develop a network of contributors, and their Twitter account has grown into a trusted source of news. Now with 53,000 followers, the account is still a small operation. Nevertheless, the news group is protective of the reputation that it has earned and vigorously checks sources and verifies its tweets. The Journal of International Affairs spoke with Burcu Baykurt, who joined 140journos in mid-2012, to talk more about how the group formed and how it is contributing to a changing media landscape in a country still grappling with censorship. Baykurt is currently a third-year PhD student at Columbia University’s School of Journalism, where she is researching Internet policymaking.
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| 6 |
ID:
134276
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article proposes that Turkey's foreign policy towards Iraq changed radically after 2007, in response to external challenges and domestic developments. The article analyses how Turkey's role in Iraq has changed on two different levels: firstly, in terms of increased activism and diplomatic engagement, and secondly, in terms of its increased economic involvement, using trade and foreign direct investment as foreign policy tools. These two different modes of engagement have transformed Turkey into a visible player in Iraq.
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| 7 |
ID:
134778
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| Summary/Abstract |
With its automobile exports measured in millions of units annually, Turkey has become one of the top automobile producing nations in Europe. The current state of the Turkish motor vehicle industry stands in contrast to its modest origins, which can be traced back to the early years of the Cold War. In the 1950s, a private company ventured into the business of assembling Willy's Jeeps in Turkey. The early developmental trajectory of the Turkish automobile manufacturing resembled the experiences of many other countries that resorted to import substitution to reduce foreign currency dependency for automobile imports. However, it differed significantly from others in two ways. First, it was not undertaken in response to a coordinated government policy, but rather as a one-off private initiative. Second, it was justified in the context of the Cold War military and strategic requirements. In other words, it stands out among its contemporaries in terms of the prominence of military and defense considerations that shaped US and Turkish military views on a private venture during the Cold War. Although the Jeep assembly experience in Turkey ended in failure, its products had remained in service in the Turkish Army for nearly 50 years, surviving the Cold War and beyond. The experience also left its deep imprint on Turkey's pursuit of an indigenously designed and manufactured automobile.
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| 8 |
ID:
136377
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| Summary/Abstract |
International efforts have failed to break the longstanding deadlock in Armenian-Turkish relations. Emil Sanamyan look at the role of Azerbaijan, Russia, and the United States, and the potential impact of the imminent centenary of the Armenian genocide.
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| 9 |
ID:
134627
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| Summary/Abstract |
The European Union is often conceptualised as an entity that is profoundly different from that of the modern state. Through a reading of the recent humanitarian crisis precipitated by large-scale migration into Greece, the paper challenges the understanding that the crafting of the European Union (‘Euro-crafting’) is qualitatively different from the crafting of the modern state. Conceptually, the paper proposes that Euro-crafting should be thought through in relation to practices of statecraft, instead of a priori postulated as qualitatively different from such practices. Putting such an understanding of Euro-crafting to work, the paper explores the recent humanitarian crisis precipitated by large-scale migration into Greece and demonstrates how practices of Euro-crafting mirror the major desire-driven practices of modern statecraft; practices of ordering, bordering, and identification.
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| 10 |
ID:
136153
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| Summary/Abstract |
One year on from the widespread protests in Turkey, the question of why small environmental protests against the building of a shopping mall on Gezi Park in the centre of Istanbul turned into the biggest example of mass civil movement in the republic's history remains unanswered. This article suggests that one can easily detect signs of instability and social unrest in the country long before these mass demonstrations took place. By analysing the evolution of the Turkish party system over the past decade, I argue that the political upheaval in the country is the result of a crisis of representation. This has two aspects: a high degree of polarisation has left certain segments of society unrepresented, while the AKP government has ceased to maintain the balance between responsiveness and responsibility.
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| 11 |
ID:
134686
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the impact of water on the relationships between Turkey and its downstream riparian states, Syria and Iraq. This article defines water resources in international standards and examines the historical relationships between the three states, which have been complicated by the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP). Examining the history of Turco-Iraqi and Turco-Syrian relations, this article shows that GAP, though a point of contention, has not been the principal factor governing the relations between the three countries.
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| 12 |
ID:
136826
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran has often come forward to become an energy provider both for the Mediterranean (Turkey, Greece and Europe now dealing with new gas routes scenario) and for the Eastern Asian countries like Pakistan and India or Kazakhstan with which Iran is starting a cooperation on petrochemicals, oil and gas. Although its geographic position allows Iran to think big, conquering the Western countries' trust won't be easy. Let's consider for example the reduction of oil exportations in the first few months of 2014 following restrictions linked to the agreement on the easing of sanctions.
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| 13 |
ID:
136213
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran and Turkey two non-Arab middle eastern states are among largest and most populous in the Iran and Turkey, the two non-Arab Middle Eastern states, are among region. The former occupies a strategic location on the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz; while the latter controls the Straits — the Bosporus, the Sea of Marmara, the Dardanelles —that link the Black and Aegean Seas. The two nations descend from the most ancient civilizations in the world and have strong national identities. Both are predominantly Muslim. The majority of Iranians are Shiite, and since the 1979 Islamic Revolution their government has been based on the velayat elaqih doctrine (rule by an Islamic jurist). Turkey, prominently Sunni, is a secular state.
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| 14 |
ID:
136467
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| Summary/Abstract |
Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’ suggests that oligarchic party rule is inevitable, yet many parties have shown a strong commitment to intra-party democracy. However, Turkey’s akp is a typified case of Michels’ law, displaying an explicit commitment to intra-party democracy, only to later abandon it. I ask what factors have facilitated this transformation. Why does the iron law of oligarchy display itself in some parties but not in others? I argue that intra-party democracy owes its existence to three indicators – inclusiveness, decentralisation and institutionalisation. Conversely, it should be observed that a party shifting from democratic to oligarchic or personalistic intra-party rule will display decreasing levels of these three indicators in terms of policy formation and candidate selection. By tracing akp’s internal party operations since its founding in 2001, I demonstrate a gradual deterioration in these indicators, reflecting a gradual deterioration of democracy within the party to oligarchy and then to personalism.
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| 15 |
ID:
134773
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkey, similar to its counterparts in emerging markets, has been aiming to reduce irregular migration effectively and comprehensively with various sets of policies since the 1990s. However, the number of undocumented migrants continues to increase and unregistered foreign employment is as high as ever. This study aims to explain the reasons underlying this conundrum by focusing on the nature of the policies adopted and the characteristics of the target population relying on data collected on a sample of unregistered foreign workers in the textile sector in Istanbul. It argues that the reasons for the limited effectiveness of the policies is attributable to structural factors such as inherent problems with the existing policies for regulating irregular migration and preferences as well as the behavior of the unregistered foreign workers and their employers.
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| 16 |
ID:
134770
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article evaluates foreign policy change under the Justice and Development Party (JDP). After examining the concept of change in foreign policy analysis and in the literature on Turkish foreign policy, the article offers an approach to visa regimes as significant indicators of change in foreign policy. It first provides a qualitative analysis of Turkish visa policies in comparison to those of the European Union (EU) and shows that, after a brief period of convergence, Turkish visa policies have increasingly diverged from the EU. Subsequently, by way of analyzing the incoming mobility of foreign nationals, first the JDP era is compared to its predecessors. Then, two distinct eras within JDP's period of rule are identified and compared. It concludes that, while there are differences between the JDP and the previous eras, the most significant change occurs between the first and second JDP governments.
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| 17 |
ID:
134509
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article looks at statements and acts of the core members of the Committee of Union and Progress in the run-up to the constitutional revolution of 1908 to determine whether these express ideas that later guided them in their policies in Anatolia. The main argument is that the Balkan War of 1912–13, in which the European provinces were largely lost, was an important catalyst that led to a radicalization of policies but that in fact the basic outlook of the Young Turks had been shaped years earlier, during their struggle to keep Macedonia Ottoman. Their relative ignorance of Anatolia led them to read the social and political realities there through a Macedonian prism.
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| 18 |
ID:
134775
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| Summary/Abstract |
The most significant gap within the current discourse of Turkish model and democratization in post-revolutionary Middle East and North Africa region is that limited works have attempted to approach the concept from the perspective of local actors in the region. This study analyzes the perception of the Turkish model by using data acquired through interviews with policy-makers and influential actors in Tunisian society. It will be shown that the ideological division of Tunisian society into two camps, secularists and Islamists, has shaped the perceptions of the Turkish model in the country. It will be argued that despite their differences, the model can appeal to both secularists and conservatives in terms of its post-ideological nature that endorses the concept of “civil state” which is supported by both political groups.
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| 19 |
ID:
135654
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| Summary/Abstract |
On 18 February 2013, Pakistan transferred control of Gwadar port to China. It may be recalled that earlier the port operations were with a Singapore-based professional company, though the port had been developed by China and later Turkey. The Pakistan Navy had declined to transfer 500 acres of land adjacent to the port which was needed for further development of port facilities. The port remained in semi use for some time till 18 February 2013.
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| 20 |
ID:
134776
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates the relevance of the presence of a “culture of migration” and related migration feedback mechanisms for explaining migration aspirations. This study focuses on the districts of Dinar and Emirdağ in Turkey—which have a distinct migration history toward Europe. The question is raised whether and how migration aspirations of potential migrants change according to the presence of a “culture of migration”—living in a migration-impacted region or not. This study relies on data collected in these two regions on the basis of a representative survey and in-depth interviews collected in the context of the EUMAGINE project (2010–13). Migration aspirations in a region characterized by a “culture of migration”—Emirdağ—prove to be significantly lower than that in a similar socioeconomic region, but with no “culture of migration”—Dinar. Perceptions of the economic opportunities in Europe and of the working and living conditions of immigrants in Europe are more negative in the migration-impacted region of Emirdağ than in Dinar. It is interesting to note that the population in Emirdağ has still a similar (positive) vision on the democratic and human rights capital in Europe, as the population in Dinar.
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