|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
096219
|
|
|
Publication |
2010.
|
Summary/Abstract |
There often exists a problematic gap between more theoretical works on war-to-peace transitions, and the practical challenges that peacebuilding operations face in the field. This article describes the use of classroom simulation to highlight the complexity of contemporary multilateral peace operations. It describes the content and mechanics of the simulation, the issues that can arise in its operation, and strategies for most effectively integrating such a simulation into overall course objectives.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2 |
ID:
132353
|
|
|
Publication |
2014.
|
Summary/Abstract |
It is commonly believed that torture is an effective tool for combating an insurgent threat. Yet while torture is practiced in nearly all counterinsurgency campaigns, the evidence documenting torture's effects remains severely limited. This study provides the first micro-level statistical analysis of torture's relation to subsequent killings committed by insurgent and counterinsurgent forces. The theoretical arguments contend that torture is ineffective for reducing killings perpetrated by insurgents both because it fails to reduce insurgent capacities for violence and because it can increase the incentives for insurgents to commit future killings. The theory also links torture to other forms of state violence. Specifically, engaging in torture is expected to be associated with increased killings perpetrated by counterinsurgents. Monthly municipal-level data on political violence are used to analyze torture committed by counterinsurgents during the Guatemalan civil war (1977-94). Using a matched-sample, difference-in-difference identification strategy and data compiled from 22 different press and NGO sources as well as thousands of interviews, the study estimates how torture is related to short-term changes in killings perpetrated by both insurgents and counterinsurgents. Killings by counterinsurgents are shown to increase significantly following torture. However, torture appears to have no robust correlation with subsequent killings by insurgents. Based on this evidence the study concludes that torture is ineffective for reducing insurgent perpetrated killings.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
3 |
ID:
093731
|
|
|
Publication |
2009.
|
Summary/Abstract |
MEZHDUNARODNAIA ZHIZN', a foreign policy journal, was started in Moscow in 1954 by the popular and influential Znanie (Knowledge) educational society if we trust the imprint. In fact, it was a periodical of the Foreign Ministry of the U.S.S.R.; today, 55 years later, it remains a publication of the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Federation. The Znanie Society disappeared together with the Soviet Union; today, there is no need to camouflage the editors' close creative and other ties with the Foreign Ministry. In short, I am going to write about the 55th anniversary of the journal.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
4 |
ID:
124389
|
|
|
Publication |
2013.
|
Summary/Abstract |
We analyze institutional solutions to international cooperation when actors have heterogeneous preferences over the desirability of the action and split into supporters and opponents, all of whom can spend resources toward their preferred outcome. We study how actors can communicate their preferences through voting when they are not bound either by their own vote or the outcome of the collective vote. We identify two organizational types with endogenous coercive enforcement and find that neither is unambiguously preferable. Like the solutions to the traditional Prisoners' Dilemma these forms require long shadows of the future to sustain. We then show that cooperation can be sustained through a noncoercive organization where actors delegate execution to an agent. Even though this institution is costlier, it does not require any expertise by the agent and is independent of the shadow of the future, and thus is implementable when the others are not
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
5 |
ID:
151307
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
Efforts to end prize money—monetary awards to naval personnel for the capture of enemy ships and cargoes in wartime—for the United States Navy began shortly after the War of 1812. They were redoubled following the Civil War (1861–1865). But only in 1899 did numerous particularly American motives—ideological, fiscal, pragmatic, psychological, and strategic—unite to put an end to naval prize money in the United States. In contrast, the United Kingdom maintained naval prize money for another fifty years.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
6 |
ID:
128890
|
|
|
Publication |
2013.
|
Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the absent and silenced voice in Australian newspapers through case studies of two Filipino women - Nenita Westhof and Marylou Orton - who were victims of homicide in Australia. It draws on a feminist discourse analysis of newspaper articles and interviews conducted with their families and friends. The method used is one way of enabling people to hear the stories of those who do not have a voice in the present. Analysing newspaper representations in light of the interviews provides an entirely different, more accurate and just reconstruction of the women's lives. Media representations of Nenita and Marylou bore little resemblance to their 'lived reality'. In most instances, journalists did not acknowledge that the women were victims of domestic violence. Furthermore, sexist, racist and class-based discourses constructed Nenita and Marylou in accordance with dominant representations of Filipino women in Australia. They were held accountable for their own deaths, while their abusive male partners were frequently portrayed as victims of women who abused them. The article argues that such representations sensationalize the issues, misrepresent violence as the women's fault and shift responsibility from the perpetrator to the victim. In the process, they silence women's voices.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
7 |
ID:
133594
|
|
|
Publication |
2014.
|
Summary/Abstract |
In the years since the hostilities in Sri Lanka ended in 2009, the understandable international focus on the evidence of war crimes by both sides has diverted attention from certain other questions that emerge from the 26-year conflict between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sri Lankan government. Here I briefly explore three general questions that have arisen not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other modern conflicts, including those characterised by what is variously called asymmetric warfare, violent extremism or terrorism.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
8 |
ID:
178207
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
News reports and policymakers frequently link African civil conflicts and wars to agricultural crises caused by droughts. However, empirical studies of the relationship between rainfall and civil conflict or war remain inconclusive. I reexamine this relationship focusing on rainfall over each country’s agricultural land during the growing seasons. I also incorporate that the relationship between rainfall and agricultural output is hump-shaped, as rainfall beyond a threshold decreases output. I find a U-shaped relationship between rainfall and the risk of civil conflict and war in (Sub-Saharan) African countries. This relationship mirrors the hump-shaped relationship between rainfall and agricultural output.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
9 |
ID:
063975
|
|
|
10 |
ID:
017235
|
|
|
Publication |
Jun 1994.
|
Description |
359-374
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
11 |
ID:
049183
|
|
|
Publication |
New Delhi, Himalayan Books, 1998.
|
Description |
222p.
|
Standard Number |
81700020700
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
039502 | 303.6409581/SRE 039502 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
039503 | 303.6409581/SRE 039503 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
12 |
ID:
050590
|
|
|
Publication |
Surrey, Curzon Press, 2001.
|
Description |
ix, 239p.: ill., mapshbk
|
Standard Number |
0700714111
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
045020 | 958.1/EWA 045020 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
13 |
ID:
081609
|
|
|
Publication |
Lahore, Vanguard Books, 2001.
|
Description |
ix, 239p.hbk
|
Standard Number |
0700714111
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
053333 | 958.121/EWA 053333 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
14 |
ID:
145544
|
|
|
Publication |
New Delhi, Pentagon Press, 2016.
|
Description |
xii, 195p.hbk
|
Standard Number |
9788182749030
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
058692 | 327.1/ABD 058692 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
15 |
ID:
124387
|
|
|
Publication |
2012.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Afghanistan will reach a benchmark in 2014. By the end of that year, the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), a NATO-based coalition led by the U.S. since 2001, will withdraw from the country. Presidential elections will be held in Afghanistan in the second half of 2014.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
16 |
ID:
111780
|
|
|
Publication |
2012.
|
Summary/Abstract |
"While many Afghans are highly ambivalent about the presence of foreign forces in their country, they fear a return to civil war even more."
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
17 |
ID:
052862
|
|
|
18 |
ID:
172844
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
The current scholarly literature on the international mediation of civil wars draws predominantly on a rationalist-materialist perspective. This perspective suggests that the ticket to mediation success is the material manipulation of the bargaining environment by third parties with a high degree of economic and military resources. I argue that legitimacy also determines outcomes of mediation because if a mediator has legitimacy, it can continue to look for a mutually satisfactory outcome and try to pull the conflict parties toward compliance. I show that legitimacy matters by systematically comparing the effectiveness of African and non-African third parties. African third parties are typically considered ineffective because of a low degree of economic and military capacity. However, they effectively mediate civil wars in Africa because of a high degree of legitimacy, which is a result of a strong conviction within the African society of states that African mediation is the most desirable type in conflicts there. Drawing on data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program supplemented with unique data, which together cover all mediation efforts in Africa between 1960 and 2017, I find quantitative evidence supporting the effectiveness of African third parties. Compared to non-African ones, African third parties are far more likely to conclude negotiated settlements that are more likely to be durable. African third parties are especially effective if the conflict parties are highly committed to the African solutions norm. Theoretically, this study deviates from much of the literature that puts forward solely rationalist-materialist explanations of mediation success. By bringing legitimacy to the forefront, this article supplements the current mediation literature that emphasizes material sources of power and ignores social structures.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
19 |
ID:
117632
|
|
|
Publication |
2012.
|
Summary/Abstract |
While the study of the causes of civil war is a well-established subdiscipline in international relations, the effects of civil war on society remain less understood. Yet, such effects could have crucial implications for long-term stability and democracy in a country after the reaching of a peace agreement. This article contributes to the understanding of the effects of warfare on interethnic relations, notably attitudes of ethno-nationalism. Two hypotheses are tested: first, that the prevalence of ethno-nationalism is higher after than before the war, and second, that individuals who have been directly affected by the war are more nationalist than others. The variation in ethno-nationalism is examined over time, between countries, and between ethnic groups. Three countries that did not experience conflict on their own territory serve as a control group. The effect of individual war exposure is also tested in the analysis. Sources include survey data from the former Yugoslavia in 1989, shortly before the outbreak of war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in 2003, some years after the violence in the region ended. Contrary to common beliefs, the study shows that ethno-nationalism does not necessarily increase with ethnic civil war. The individual war experiences are less important than expected.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
20 |
ID:
144312
|
|
|
Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2016.
|
Description |
xix, 308p.hbk
|
Standard Number |
9780199463503
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
058622 | 954.93032/TIK 058622 | Main | Withdrawn | General | |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|