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| 1 |
ID:
100214
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| 2 |
ID:
106026
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates the adverse effects of domestic and transnational terrorism on income per capita growth for 51 African countries for 1970-2007, while accounting for cross-sectional (spatial) dependence and conflict (i.e. internal conflicts and external wars). The findings of the fixed-effects panel estimator suggest that transnational terrorism has a significant, but modest, marginal impact on income per capita growth. These results hold for two different terrorism event datasets. However, domestic terrorist events do not affect income per capita growth. Our findings differ from those in an earlier study on the impact of transnational terrorism on African growth, because we uncover a much more moderate effect. In our study, regional impacts and terrorism-conflict interactions effects are also distinguished. Moreover, our sample countries and period are more extensive. Our article contains a host of robustness checks involving macroeconomic and political variables that find virtually identical results. Alternative terrorist variables are also used, with little qualitative change in the findings. The absence of a domestic terrorism impact is surprising because there were many more domestic than transnational terrorist incidents in Africa. To promote growth, host and donor countries must direct scarce counter-terrorism resources to protect against transnational terrorism in particular. The modest impact of transnational terrorism on African growth means that developing countries' economies have been more resilient to terrorism than has been generally thought.
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| 3 |
ID:
099390
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| Publication |
Washington, DC, World Bank, 2008.
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| Description |
xxiv, 573p.
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| Series |
Africa development essays
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| Standard Number |
9780821372777
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055308 | 330.967/DEL 055308 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
171096
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| Summary/Abstract |
Brussels and Washington had imposed a regime that subordinated the long-term goals of Albanians to the economic and political agendas of the Western powers.
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| 5 |
ID:
101667
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| 6 |
ID:
105716
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japan has long been regarded as a central component of America's grand strategy in Asia. Scholars and practitioners assume this situation will persist in the face of China's rise and, indeed, that a more 'normal' Japan can and should take on an increasingly central role in US-led strategies to manage this power transition. This article challenges those assumptions by arguing that they are, paradoxically, being made at a time when Japan's economic and strategic weight in Asian security is gradually diminishing. The article documents Japan's economic and demographic challenges and their strategic ramifications. It considers what role Japan might play in an evolving security order where China and the US emerge as Asia's two dominant powers by a significant margin. Whether the US-China relationship is ultimately one of strategic competition or accommodation, it is argued that Japan's continued centrality in America's Asian grand strategy threatens to become increasingly problematic. It is posited that the best hope for circumventing this problem and its potentially destabilizing consequences lies in the nurturing of a nascent 'shadow condominium' comprising the US and China, with Japan as a 'marginal weight' on the US side of that arrangement.
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| 7 |
ID:
091422
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Commentators and policymakers have articulated growing concerns about U.S. dependence on China and other authoritarian capitalist states as a source of credit to fund the United States' trade and budget deficits. What are the security implications of China's creditor status? If Beijing or another sovereign creditor were to flex its financial muscles, would Washington buckle? The answer can be drawn from the existing literature on economic statecraft. An appraisal of the ability of creditor states to convert their financial power into political power suggests that the power of credit has been moderately exaggerated in policy circles.
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| 8 |
ID:
040234
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| Publication |
Madras, Eastern centre of international studies, 1971.
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| Description |
viii, 108p.pbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 009594 | 954.9205/PAV 009594 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
103581
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| 10 |
ID:
171046
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| Publication |
Noida, HarperCollins Publishers, 2018.
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| Description |
xxv, 358p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789353020170
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059862 | 330.954/CRA 059862 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
101538
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| Publication |
Washington, DC, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2009.
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| Description |
xix, 322p.
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| Standard Number |
9780804771894,hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055609 | 330.954/GUP 055609 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
105715
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Is the much hyped 'rise of Asia' translating into global public good? The leading Asian powers, China, India and Japan, demand a greater share of the decision-making and leadership of global institutions. Yet, they seem to have been more preoccupied with enhancing their national power and status than contributing to global governance, including the management of global challenges. This is partly explained by a realpolitik outlook and ideology, and the legacies of India's and China's historical identification with the 'Third World' bloc. Another key factor is the continuing regional legitimacy deficit of the Asian powers. This article suggests that the Asian powers should increase their participation in and contribution to regional cooperation as a stepping stone to a more meaningful contribution to global governance
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| 13 |
ID:
091077
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| Publication |
2009.
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Over the past 15 years, since about 1993, Central Asia has been a primary topic in foreign political analytical publications. There were times in these years when publications on the Central Asian problems appeared more frequently, in 1993-1997, as America's search for new opportunities invigorated its interest in the region, and in 2005-2008, when the rise in world prices for raw materials generated greater interest among foreign states in these resources.
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| 14 |
ID:
106212
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| 15 |
ID:
146223
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Polity Press, 2016.
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| Description |
xviii, 203p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781509507146
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058743 | 951.06/SHA 058743 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
089665
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| Publication |
2009.
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Speaking in Tokyo last month, Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo proudly proclaimed that thanks to her leadership, the impoverished country is headed in the right direction. The Philippine economy grew 6.1% last year, Ms. Arroyo boasted-although she did concede that forecasts for continued growth in 2009 are edging lower because of the current global economic travails. "The Philippines is finally unlocking its full potential," the president told a high-powered audience of business leaders and diplomats who convened at the Imperial Hotel on June 19. "We want to succeed someday as Japan has succeeded.
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| 17 |
ID:
109792
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| 18 |
ID:
170664
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| Summary/Abstract |
The economic condition of war-torn Afghanistan is deteriorating
and the country, besides terrorism, is also facing drought. The
basic objective of the US is of “preventing any further attacks
on the United States by terrorists enjoying safe haven or support in
Afghanistan.” President Trump wants to withdraw US troops from
Afghanistan because of domestic compulsions. He appointed
Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad as a special representative for this
purpose. When negotiations were in the final stages, President Trump
had to withdraw his plan because the Taliban carried out a terrorist
strike in which an American soldier was killed. However, in the last
week of November 2019, Trump visited Afghanistan and announced
that negotiations with the Taliban to restore peace will resume shortly.
Pakistan wants to install a puppet regime in Afghanistan; hence the
ISI is assisting several terrorist outfits in the country. The ill equipped
Afghan National Defence and Security Forces (ANDSF) are in no
position to fight the diverse terrorist organisations active in the country.
Both Al Qaeda and the Islamic State want to establish a stronghold
in Afghanistan. The Islamic State has created the Islamic State of
Khorasan Province (ISKP) and propagates that it wants to set up an
Islamic State where Sharia law would be imposed. The rule of Al
Qaeda or the Islamic State will be detrimental to world peace, hence
all regional as well as global powers should chalk out a detailed plan
so that both these terrorist organisations are defeated in Afghanistan.
The world powers should train and equip the Afghan security forces
so that they can fight the terrorist outfits and establish peace and
tranquility in the country.
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| 19 |
ID:
108301
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| 20 |
ID:
090979
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay analyzes the economic consequences of the proposed reunification of Cyprus and concludes that, based on the framework presently being negotiated, the much-publicized economic peace dividend will not materialize for the majority of Cypriots. The economic costs and benefits of such an agreement will inevitably be unequally divided, with the Greek-Cypriot majority bearing the brunt of the economic burden with no political or security offset.
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