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| 1 |
ID:
136770
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author gives his view on China’s response to the events unfolding in Ukraine, and looks at the economic and geopolitical reasons behind China’s concern over the Ukrainian crisis.
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| 2 |
ID:
134883
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It is widely acknowledged that large-scale urbanization plays a pivotal role in China's miraculous economic growth over the past two decades. Yet many of the basic statistics and facts remain disputable. The contribution of this paper is two-fold. First, based on the publicly available 2000 and 2010 census data, plus some auxiliary information from other sources, we develop an accounting method to back out the scale and composition of China's urbanization. We find that urbanization accounts for 80.4% of the total urban population growth of 211 million in the 2000s. Moreover, more than half of the urbanized population, about 85.6 million, is due to rural–urban migration. Our findings suggest that rural–urban migration increased by two thirds from the 1990s to 2000s, while the population urbanized by land reclassification is roughly the same across the two periods.
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| 3 |
ID:
136340
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| Summary/Abstract |
“Salafi”, also known as salafiyya, is derived from the Arabic, meaning“the venerable predecessors”, who are the“first three generations of Islam”. In the different interpretations of the Arabic scriptures,“Salafi” evolved gradually into“Doctrinal, Political and Jihad Salafi”.“Jihadist Salafi”, also known as“Salafi Jihadism”or the“Salafi Global Jihad Movement”, by means of falsification of the religious terms in the Koran and Hadith, bewitched its followers with a message of martyrdom for Islam through violence and“Jihad”, eliminated all the heretics, established Islamic political power and restored“true Islam”religiously. Since 2011, a series of terrorist attacks carried out by“Jihadist Salafi”, represented by Jund al-Khilafah in Central Asia, have posed serious threats to regional security. This not only impacts on the anti-extremism policies and anti-extremism policies of Central Asian countries and severely challenges the SCO and CIS, but also poses a significant threat to the security of China’s Northwest.
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| 4 |
ID:
135140
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Twenty years ago this month, North Korea and the United States concluded the Agreed Framework. That accord halted North Korea’s nuclear weapons program at Yongbyon in exchange for heavy fuel oil and the eventual provision of two light-water reactors (LWRs) at Kumho, North Korea.
The agreement was the result of prolonged negotiations during a tense period. Unfortunately, its success was temporary. Eventually it became clear that North Korea in the late 1990s was pursuing a clandestine program to enrich uranium for use in nuclear weapons in violation of the Agreed Framework. In October 2002, when an official U.S. delegation confronted the senior North Korean negotiator with this information during talks in Pyongyang, the negotiator admitted that North Korea was pursuing an enrichment program and other unspecified programs.
Subsequent to this admission, North Korean officials maintained that they did not have an enrichment program. They changed their story again in 2010, when they revealed to visiting U.S. nuclear expert Siegfried Hecker that they had an enrichment facility at Yongbyon with 2,000 spinning centrifuges. Hecker was permitted to visit this facility and was impressed with its sophistication.[1] Thus, the issue of North Korea’s clandestine enrichment program was finally put to rest. North Korea proudly admitted having the program, despite its past disclaimers and the skepticism of observers in the United States and China who questioned the U.S. intelligence community’s assessment that North Korea had a clandestine enrichment program for nuclear weapons development
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| 5 |
ID:
135105
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| Summary/Abstract |
Without doubt, parental love is one of the world’s greatest emotions, regarded as the premise of the filial piety (Xiao in Chinese pinyin) of Chinese people. However, to enhance filial duties, the notion of ‘all good is of parents’ in the official campaigns of China is worth further investigation. This article seeks to verify the hypothesis ‘all good is of parents’ by examining conflicts between the hypothesis and reality, first through classic documents and current documentary reporting in China, and then through the lens of psychology.
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| 6 |
ID:
136540
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues for a new way of addressing contemporary international law that is more adequate to both vital dynamic trends towards “regionalism” within international law, relations and politics, and the emergent possibility of a far more pluralistic “multipolar” legal order that—in both theory and practice—contrasts markedly with US-dominated hegemonic modes of regulation and high-handed unilateralism. To advance our argument, we draws upon classic Schmittian forms of Grossraum theory concerned to adapt traditional state-centric and purely horizontal conceptual types of international law interpretations to a form of international relations structured around regional ensembles, such as the European Union, NATO, the African Union, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). These historical trends are emerging out of an encompassing contemporary developmental tendency, including the decline in the traditional nation state posited as having equal status, and both the proliferation of new regional bodies and the strengthening of existing ones. Arguably, the emergence of the SCO from 2001 signals a new phase in multilateralism in the post-Cold War period that, when treated as a case study, allows us to “test out” the credibility of key aspects of Grossraum theory.
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| 7 |
ID:
136337
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China’s rise has attracted a lot of attention in the world situation and international security environment change has provided opportunity for China to have a new understanding of status and position. China needs to think more accurately and deeply about its own status of the sake of its foreign strategy and diplomatic work.
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| 8 |
ID:
134892
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| Summary/Abstract |
In China, higher education admissions are rigorously based on the total scores of admission tests. Admission subject tests, however, each have different relationships with undergraduate academic performance. Undergraduate academic performance is an important reference variable in applying for graduate schools and finding employment. Admission measures considering the relative importance of subject tests could be employed to select academically more able applicants. Subjects comprise Chinese, mathematics, English, and a comprehensive subject. Data are collected from a national key university in China. The empirical results show that the correlation of subject tests with undergraduate academic performance always differs, and that the pattern varies according to admission track and academic discipline in the university. The conclusions are robust to different specifications and over time. Policy implications are also discussed.
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| 9 |
ID:
136278
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| Summary/Abstract |
Knowledge of poverty prevalence is essential for any society concerned with improving public welfare and reducing poverty. In this paper, we estimate and compare poverty incidence rates in China using four nationally representative surveys: the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) of 2010, the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) of 2010, the China Household Finance Survey (CHFS) of 2011, and the Chinese Household Income Project (CHIP) of 2007. Using both international and official domestic poverty standards, we show that poverty rates at the national, rural, and urban levels based on the CFPS, CGSS, and the CHFS are all much higher than the official estimates and those based on the CHIP. This study highlights the importance of using independent datasets to verify official statistics of public and policy concern in contemporary China.
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| 10 |
ID:
136664
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines how the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) conflict management process in the South China Sea (SCS) has been conducted and whether the ASEAN way can effectively manage the dispute, in which China is a prime and important actor. It argues that rising tensions in the South China Sea are a direct result of the changed balance of power in the region given the asymmetry between China and ASEAN members. China has taken advantage of ASEAN efforts to develop a code of conduct that is premised on the ASEAN way.
Introduction
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| 11 |
ID:
134995
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| Summary/Abstract |
Australia’s foreign and security policy debate has become focused on how to manage the fundamental change in strategic and economic circumstances brought about by China’s rise. For the first time in the
nation’s history, Australia’s chief trading partner is neither an ally, nor the ally of an ally, and does not share its democratic outlook and values. This change comes against the backdrop of an increasingly
contested Indo-Pacific Asia. This article addresses two questions. First, how does Australia perceive a rising and increasingly powerful China? Second, how is Australia responding? It is argued that Australia possesses a discernable China strategy, although questions remain about its implementation, effectiveness and sustainability. That strategy has two broad strands—engagement and hedging—and the hedging strand contains several important sub-strands, namely, internal balancing (modernizing Australia’s own military) and external balancing (especially strengthening the US alliance). Each of these hedging approaches carries its own problems and questions, particularly regarding Australia’s willingness to fund an advanced military and whether the net effect of a strengthened US alliance can be stabilizing.
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| 12 |
ID:
134615
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2010 shooting of 13 miners at Zambia's small, privately-owned ‘Chinese’ Collum Coal Mine (CCM) has been represented by Western and Zambian politicians and media as exemplifying the ‘neo-colonial’ and ‘amoral’ practices of ‘China’ and ‘the Chinese’ in Africa. CCM has been used to provide a sharp contrast to the supposed ways of the Western firms that own most of Zambia's mines. Embedded in racial hierarchy and notions of strategic competition between the West and China, the discourse of the CCM shootings further shapes conceptions of global China and Chinese overseas. While examining all the oppressive conditions that have given rise to protest at the mine, we contextualize the shooting and subsequent conflicts. In analyzing CCM's marginal and troubled development, we discuss aspects of the 2010 shooting incident known to miners and union leaders, but ignored by politicians and media. We look at the shooting's political fallout, focus also on the epilogue that was the 2012 CCM riot—in which one Chinese person was murdered and several others seriously injured—and trace the sometimes violent discontent manifested at other foreign-owned mines in Zambia since their privatization in the late 1990s. The empirical data for this detailed study derive from hundreds of documentary sources and interviews with union leaders, workers, officials and others in Zambia from 2011 to 2013.
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| 13 |
ID:
134846
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| Summary/Abstract |
This past Labor Day, a great many of the sausages consumed at cookouts across the country came from Smithfield Foods Inc., formerly the US food giant, but for the past year a wholly owned subsidiary of China’s Shuanghui International Holdings. Shuanghui paid $4.7 billion for Smithfield, whose operation spans hog farms and pork processing facilities in more than a dozen states, including Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina, and Wisconsin. The deal was China’s largest single investment in the United States to date, and helped boost Chinese mergers, acquisitions, and “greenfield projects” (companies setting up their own factories) to a record $14 billion by the end of 2013. Despite bilateral tensions over cyber espionage, Chinese territorial disputes with America’s allies in the South China Sea, and the slow progress of China’s massive economic reforms—and despite increasing calls for more scrutiny from Congress—China Inc closed a total of eight hundred and seventy-nine major deals last year across the American map, from New Jersey to California.
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| 14 |
ID:
135388
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article presents a legal document detailing the indictment of Chinese human rights activist and dissident Hu Jia. According to the Beijing Public Security Bureau, the defendant have committed the crime of inciting subversion of state power. The document has been submitted to the Beijing Municipal First Intermediate People's Court in accordance with the prvisions of the Criminal Procedure Law.
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| 15 |
ID:
135537
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| Summary/Abstract |
Beijing has an incremental foreign policy in the South and East China Seas which appears to parallel America’s Monroe Doctrine. When the increasingly assertive young America declared that the Western Hemisphere was off-limits to the great colonial powers of Europe, President James Monroe’s eponymous doctrine altered the nature of trans-Atlantic relations. In retrospect, China is essentially following America’s footprints in trans-Pacifi c affairs with its own Ménluó (a transliteration of Monroe) Doctrine in the Asian Seas.
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| 16 |
ID:
135774
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article draws on ethnographic material collected in Yangzong county of Yunnan, a province well known for its ethnic diversity. It deals with how the members of this peripheral Han population are categorised by others and by themselves in relation to minority groups and notions of Chinese identity. The specificity of the Han of Yangzong is framed by an ongoing tension between two contrasting points of view: they appear both as a local ethnic minority among others, and, notably by means of ritualised theatrical representations, as the legitimate representatives of the national majority. The Han people of Yunnan, who represent two-thirds of the province’s population, have been largely ignored by contemporary research. However, this study sheds light on the necessary interplay of different levels of identity and asserts the understanding of the category of ‘Han’ as perceived by the Chinese State as well as by the local people.
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| 17 |
ID:
136270
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| Summary/Abstract |
Measures of wealth (‘net’) capital stock (WKS) can be used for measuring economic exposure to natural disasters and thus are essential for disaster risk management in terms of both quick loss estimation during emergency responses and post-disaster planning for recovery and reconstruction. Today, the improved availability of statistical data and the progress of capital stock estimation methods have made it possible to produce datasets of WKS on the prefecture level. By applying the perpetual inventory method (PIM) to estimate prefecture-level WKS in China from 1978 to 2012, this paper aims to illustrate both the methodology for generating the WKS dataset and the utility of the WKS as a useful indicator of economic exposure to potential hazards. The estimation results indicate that the accumulated WKS for Mainland China had reached RMB 152 trillion by 2012, and it has maintained an average annual growth rate of 14% since 1990. Spatially, the uneven distribution of WKS is distinct, with approximately 47% being concentrated in the eastern economic region, and approximately 60% to 22% of China's prefectures. Methodologically, the dataset can easily be extended to more recent years with available data. Furthermore, a systematic sensitivity analysis indicates that the depreciation rate is the most important parameter for WKS estimates. Notwithstanding certain limitations, the paper concludes that such WKS estimates, in particular with its finer spatial resolution, offer a useful baseline for quick disaster loss estimation.
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| 18 |
ID:
135420
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article presents the beginnings and early development of sinology in Czechoslovakia, from 1945 when it was first established as an inde pendent academic discipline at Charles University in Prague to 1959 when the Sino-Soviet split occurred. During this period, the foundation for what later has become known as the "Prague School" of sinology was established, with Jaroslav Prûsek (1906-80) as the central figure. Using interviews with former students of Jaroslav Prûsek, along with written sources, such as the popular journal Novy Orient (est. 1945), prefaces and postscripts to Czech translations of Chinese literature, and popular books about China published in Czech, the article demonstrates how popularization, together with academic research, played an impor tant role in Czechoslovak sinology. The sources also reveal a signifi cant persistence of an idealized picture of Chinese culture during World War II that was shared by Czech sinologists of the period with Czech artists and the general public. Following the Communist victory in China, the romantic vision of Chinese culture did not diminish; instead it became fused with the shared ideals of communism.
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| 19 |
ID:
136563
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This paper argues that new interpretations of “eating bitterness” (吃苦, chiku) have firmly entered the landscape of China’s social organisation. Whereas the bitterness eaten by heroic types in China’s revolutionary past was directed towards serving others, now the aim of eating bitterness is self-awareness. Furthermore, bitterness-eating, which once pertained to rural-urban migrant workers as opposed to discourses of urban “quality” (素质, suzhi), has now also been taken up by the urban middle classes. A new cultural distinction, therefore, adds dignity to migrant workers while potentially marginalising a wide range of unproductive people, both urban and rural. This distinction ultimately mitigates risk to the Chinese regime because the regime makes sure to reward those who eat bitterness. This paper is based on ethnographic data gathered in Anshan, from the rural areas surrounding Chengdu, and our analysis of a TV show about a peasant boy who becomes a Special Forces soldier.
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| 20 |
ID:
134845
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the 1950s, when the communists came to power in both Vietnam and China, they warmly called each other “brothers,” affirming significant similarities of culture as well as ideological kinship. Over the years, however, attempts by Vietnam’s elder and stronger brother, China, to exert its authority have not always been accepted by its headstrong sibling. This filial defiance is rooted in a thousand years of Vietnamese resistance to attempts by Chinese feudal dynasties and their successor regimes to dominate it. Memories of that history and especially of the bloody nose the Vietnamese gave the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in 1979, when it invaded to “teach Vietnam a lesson,” are central to understanding the relationship between the two countries today.
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