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| 1 |
ID:
136599
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| Summary/Abstract |
The frequent and repeated large-scale attacks on the Gaza Strip have had a blunting effect, with the oft-cited statistics and casualty tolls failing to convey the suffering and trauma entailed by the relentless violence perpetrated on the Palestinian population. In this reflection, Laila El-Haddad interweaves personal stories about families and LOVED ones into her essay about the summer 2014 assault on her home of origin. She humanizes her subjects and focuses on their day-to-day experiences rather than on the enumeration of the damage, destruction, and devastation wrought. She reminds her readers that in spite of being beleaguered and besieged, Gazans are not beaten down and are resorting to art and other forms of creative expression to memorialize the dead, the displaced, and the wounded, and to remind the world of their humanity.
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| 2 |
ID:
134833
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| Summary/Abstract |
Al-‘Eizariya (Bethany) is one of East Jerusalem’s eastern neighborhoods located on the historic Jerusalem-Jericho route, two miles from Jerusalem. The reality of al-’Eizariya has changed dramatically in the last two decades. After the Oslo Accords (1993) were signed, al-‘Eizariya expanded to accommodate the flood of migrants who arrived due to an economic boom and the political expectation that it would be part of the future capital of the state of Palestine. All this economic growth has since been disrupted by the failure of the Oslo Accords1 and the construction of the Separation Wall beginning in 2002.2
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| 3 |
ID:
136593
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the summer of 2014, the U.S. government once again offered the State of Israel unwavering support for its aggression against the Palestinian people. Among the U.S. public, however, there was growing disenchantment with Israel. The information explosion on social media has provided the public globally with much greater access to the Palestinian narrative unfiltered by the Israeli lens. In the United States, this has translated into a growing political split on the question of Palestine between a more diverse and engaged younger population and an older generation reared on the long-standing tropes of Israel’s discourse. Drawing analogies between this paradigm shift and the turning point in the civil rights movement enshrined in Mississippi’s 1964 Freedom Summer, author and scholar Robin Kelley goes on to ask whether the outrage of the summer of 2014 can be galvanized to transform official U.S. policy.
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| 4 |
ID:
136597
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| Summary/Abstract |
Without explicitly referencing the so-called Dahiya doctrine, Israel accompanied its summer 2014 onslaught against Gaza with a formidable media campaign of vilification and dehumanization, which enabled it to prosecute Operation Protective Edge with minimal criticism. Despite repeatedly violating the norms of international law, Israel portrayed itself as facing a near-existential threat from Palestinians who, in turn, were characterized as irrational actors and blamed for their own deaths. Israel’s discursive dominance resulted from the failure of an official Palestinian media strategy and from the news media’s reticence to question Israel’s actions or challenge its narrative.
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| 5 |
ID:
136598
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| Summary/Abstract |
Discourse and public opinion on the question of Palestine—and every other issue for that matter—are largely shaped by themainstreammedia. Palestine remains remote for the average American consumer of information who is generally less concerned with foreign affairs than with the domestic issues that directly impact daily life. In moments of crisis, however, media coverage of Palestine increases significantly, sometimes to the point of saturation. Such “crisis moments,” despite being few and far between, can have a significant and lasting impact on shaping public opinion, rendering it critically important to understand and analyze the coverage of Israel’s latest assault on Gaza—as well as the discourse surrounding the issue.
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| 6 |
ID:
136629
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| Summary/Abstract |
The latest war in Gaza—from the beginning of July to the end of August 2014—is over, but both Israelis and Palestinians believe it will not be the last one. Israelis believe they must deter Hamas from conducting additional attacks and keep it weak should a conflict occur. This is an approach that more pro-Western Palestinian leaders and Arab states like Saudi Arabia, fearing the political threat Hamas poses, often quietly applaud. For their part, Hamas leaders remain hostile to Israel and feel politically trapped by the extensive blockade of Gaza—and all the while, Gaza lies in ruins. The combination is explosive. Israeli security analyst Yossi Alpher put it succinctly: “It is increasingly clear that the Gaza war that ended in August will soon produce…another Gaza war.”1 The Economist also gloomily predicted that “war will probably begin all over again, sooner or later.”2
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| 7 |
ID:
134831
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although resolution of the issues related to fresh water shared by Israel and Palestine will not bring about peace between the two peoples, in the absence of a just resolution of water issues, no peace can be complete. Furthermore. in the absence of sustainable use of water by both peoples, overall social and economic development will be threatened. and so too will peace for the region.
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| 8 |
ID:
134625
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article will focus on an ongoing process of Jerusalem’s contested urban space during the last decade namely the immigration of Palestinians, mostly Israeli citizens, to “satellite neighbourhoods”, i.e. Jerusalem’s colonial neighbourhoods that were constructed after 1967. Theoretically, this paper attempts to discuss neighbourhood planning in contested cities within the framework of geopolitics. In more details, we will focus on the relevance of geopolitics to the study of neighbourhood planning, by which we mean not merely a discussion of international relations and conflict or of the roles of military acts and wars in producing space. Rather, geopolitics refers to the emergence of discourses and forces connected with the technologies of control, patterns of internal migrations by individuals and communities, and the flow of cultures and capital.
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| 9 |
ID:
136596
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the summer 2014 Israeli assault on the Gaza Strip, the calls have grown louder for Palestine to ratify the Rome Statute and join the International Criminal Court (ICC). Palestinian factions across the political spectrum have indicated that they would support such a move. But in spite of gaining the status of an observer-state at the United Nations, Palestine has yet to join the ICC. While acceding to the Rome Statute and filing the application to the ICC is a relatively straightforward process, there are numerous risk factors involved. This article investigates a variety of possible scenarios and their likely outcomes, including the legal mechanisms necessary for acceding to the Rome Statute, and alternative measures that the Palestinian leadership might envisage.
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| 10 |
ID:
134578
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the latest round of Israel-Hamas hostilities giving way to a tense truce and cease-fire negotiations in Cairo, the Palestinian national-unity agreement has suddenly, and unexpectedly, become central to the thinking of all major players. What had looked strongly like a pro forma and essentially failed political initiative may be salvaged and transformed by the Gaza war into a centerpiece of the post conflict scenario. It will not, in reality and in the short term, involve full Palestinian political reunification. That would require a merging of the security and armed forces of the Palestinian Authority (PA) and Hamas and, in effect, the disarming of Hamas's paramilitary wing, the Qassam Brigades. There is no chance Hamas would agree to this unless the organization were truly broken, and nothing in the foreseeable future appears likely to achieve that result. However, a degree of Palestinian political transformation now appears possible.
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| 11 |
ID:
134580
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| Summary/Abstract |
Dr. Chomsky is [emeritus] Institute Professor in the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He is the author of The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians (1983). The following interview was conducted by Anne Joyce, editor of Middle East Policy, on October 18, 1984 (when the title of this publication was American-Arab Affairs).
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| 12 |
ID:
136653
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| Summary/Abstract |
The long conflict between Israel and Palestine took a turn for the worse after the kidnapping and killing of three Israeli teenagers in June 2014. The three teens—Naftali Fraenkel, Gilad Shaer and Eyal Yifrah—disappeared while in the West Bank, leading Israel to conduct a massive manhunt in the Palestinian territory, alleging that they were abducted by members of Hamas (a Sunni Islamist group in Palestine, recognised by many countries as a terrorist organisation).1 On July 2, 2014, a 16-year-old Palestinian named Muhammed Abu Khdeir was found dead in Jerusalem, leading to reports claiming that it was a revenge killing by Jewish extremists for the murders of the three Israeli boys.2 These events led to Israel launching ‘Operation Protective Edge’ in the Gaza Strip, which is primarily controlled by Hamas. Since the beginning of the operation on July 8, according to reports, 5,226 air strikes took place in Gaza and 4,591 rockets and mortars were fired at Israel. According to the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF), it attacked 5,263 targets across the Gaza Strip, hitting terror infrastructure, namely rocket launching sites, arms and munitions factories and warehouses, as well as the homes and offices of Hamas and its local regime. Over 34 known tunnels were also destroyed.3
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| 13 |
ID:
134754
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| Summary/Abstract |
There are many who doubt that the current Israeli-Palestinian negotiations will lead to a solution, in spite of US secretary of state John Kerry’s efforts and the presumed commitment to peace of Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas. What has characterized the intractability of the conflict in the past, including the future of Jerusalem, the Palestinian refugees, Israel’s national security concerns, and, in particular, the psychological dimension behind these conflicting issues, still remain in play. That intractability has been further aggravated by a faulty framework for the 2014 negotiations, the absence of leadership, the continued public recrimination of each side toward the other, mutual distrust, and the lack of commitment to reach an agreement that of necessity requires mutually painful concessions. This essay proposes a number of mechanisms and corrective measures that could appreciably enhance the prospect of reaching a peace agreement. Undergirding these proposals is the need for the United States to put its foot down and warn both the Israelis and Palestinians that, unless they negotiate in earnest based on Kerry’s proposed framework, there will be serious consequences resulting from a reassessment of its bilateral relations with both parties.
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| 14 |
ID:
135923
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| Summary/Abstract |
Prior to the war, young Jewish soldiers turned out to be largely a loyal group within the Red Army toward the Bolshevik regime. However, akin to the general population, some Jewish soldiers and officers, whether in the ‘core’ Soviet Union or in the new territories, were dissatisfied with or even resentful of the regime. The German attack on the USSR promptly transformed all Jewish soldiers and officers into the staunchest anti-Nazi force and hence, probably one of the most reliable groups in the Red Army.
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| 15 |
ID:
134825
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| Summary/Abstract |
The global environmental movement is a vast. largely LlnC00[‘(environmental movement that spans all strata of society. Included \\llllln its ranks LITL ifiolificians at the national. regional and local levels; radical international actors ; writers; lobbyists: middle school students who run awareness fiampaigns; philosophers and communities. In recent years. the mm cmcm has had considerable influence on all spheres of life in the intcmmionztl In this paper I will explore some of the lessons that can be tlruun from the movement to be applied to transforming the conflict in Israel- Palestine.
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| 16 |
ID:
134826
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper advocates using environmental data as a basis for cross-border entities to work toward integrated watershed management and discusses lessons learned through involving stakeholders in this process. Based on our experience with water and wastewater issues in the Middle East, we have adapted an integrated watershed management approach in response to local challenges such as underdeveloped infrastructure, asymmetric institutional capacities and political conflict. At present, our project work provides decentralized (bottom-up) solutions and, in doing so, develops stakeholder networks that can effect integrated watershed management in the long term. The solution is two-fold — to create a data platform that will serve as an analytical tool to guide water management decisions and, simultaneously, to create a stakeholder forum for cultivating ongoing cross-border relationships.
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| 17 |
ID:
137038
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the emergence of a vocal and influential pro-Palestinian campaign within the Labour Party in the 1960s and 1970s. In particular, it focuses upon the work of the Labour Middle East Council established by Christopher Mayhew in 1969. The article argues that Mayhew succeeded in laying the foundations for a network of pro-Palestinian organizations in the 1980s but that the note of anti-Zionist radicalism which he introduced provided a foothold for more controversial forms of activism within the mainstream Labour movement.
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| 18 |
ID:
134507
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the beginning of the twentieth century attempts were made by the Zionist Organization and the Jewish Territorial Organization (JTO) to promote Jewish settlement in the region between the two rivers, the Euphrates and the Tigris. The settlement plans never reached the practical stage, and the plan disappeared without a trace. One hundred thousand Jews from Russia were not sent as planned in the train from Odessa to Iraq, and Jewish settlements were not established in it. Nevertheless, although the settlement plan was never carried out, it had great import not on the practical level but on the ideological one. The article is divided into three parts. The first part is an attempt to gain an in-depth understanding of Territorialist ideology and of Zionist thinking; the second part traces the efforts of the Zionist Movement and of the JTO to promote a comprehensive settlement plan in Mesopotamia; the third and last part examines the arguments and explanations of the Territorialists against Palestine and for Mesopotamia and other territories in East and Southwest Africa, Canada and Australia.
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| 19 |
ID:
136601
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this overarching March 2014 inaugural lecture at the newly established Center for Palestine Studies at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), Palestinian historian Walid Khalidi, while reminiscing about the genesis and evolution of the new narrative on the 1948 war, provides fresh analyses of both the Balfour Declaration and UN Security Council Resolution 242. He also addresses such pressing Palestinian issues as the one-state/twostate debate, Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS), and the Hamas/Fatah relationship. He concludes by highlighting the potentially catastrophic nature of the disputes centering on Jerusalem’s Muslim holy places and the threat to the Middle East posed by the policies of Benjamin Netanyahu, “the most dangerous political leader in the world today.”
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| 20 |
ID:
136592
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the end of the fifty-day Israeli offensive on the Gaza Strip, neither Israel nor Hamas had achieved their stated goals there: the armed resistance was still standing (despite the massive damage the territory and its people sustained) and the crippling Israeli siege was not lifted. Rather, this essay argues, it was Israel’s far right that emerged the victor. Not only did religious nationalists and secular extremists outflank the right-wing establishment, they justified the brutality of their actions in the military battle zone with messianic pronouncements, and fanned the flames of genocide in the public arena. The far right’s wartime success represented the culmination of a strategy Israeli sociologist Baruch Kimmerling has called “politicide,” a coinage denoting the partial or total destruction of a community of people with a view to denying them self-determination.
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