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| 1 |
ID:
134532
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on the pioneering work of Anthony Downs, political scientists have tended to characterize American politics as a game among undifferentiated competitors, played out largely through elections, with outcomes reflecting how formal rules translate election results into legislative votes. In this perspective, voters, campaigns, elections, and the ideological distribution of legislators merit extensive scrutiny. Other features of the political environment—most notably, the policies these legislators help create and the interest groups that struggle over these policies—are deemed largely peripheral. However, contemporary politics often looks very different than the world described by Downs. Instead, it more closely resembles the world depicted by E. E. Schattschneider—a world in which policy and groups loom large, the influence of voters is highly conditional, and the key struggle is not over gaining office but over reshaping governance. Over the last twenty years, a growing body of scholarship has emerged that advances this corrective vision—an approach we call “policy-focused political science.” In this framework, politics is centrally about the exercise of government authority for particular substantive purposes. Such exercises of authority create the “terrain” for political struggle, profoundly shaping both individual and group political behavior. More important, because policies can be so consequential, they also serve as the “prize” for many of the most enduring political players, especially organized interest groups. The payoffs of a policy-focused perspective include a more accurate portrayal of the institutional environment of modern politics, an appreciation for the fundamental importance of organized groups, a better understanding of the dynamics of policy change, and a more accurate mapping of interests, strategies, and influence. These benefits are illustrated through brief examinations of two of the biggest changes in American politics over the last generation: asymmetric partisan polarization and the growing concentration of income at the top.
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| 2 |
ID:
136782
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| Summary/Abstract |
‘Continuity’ has been a part of India’s foreign policy and a change in government can only bring in certain nuances in the conduct of that policy. The political environment that a new government brings in certainly creates some expectation from the government, but, any change in the foreign policy would be contingent upon a change in the strategic environment in which a state functions. Yet, the BJP led NDA government’s policy is keenly watched and there is an expectation that this government’s foreign policy would be different in style and direction, if not in substance.
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| 3 |
ID:
134807
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Internship placements located away from capital cities and metropolitan areas may lack opportunities for involvement in high-profile issues but they can uphold standards of “high-impact educational practice” (Kuh 2008). This study of 59 political science interns at the Mississippi University for Women demonstrates that high-impact outcomes may be generated in small-city placements that include administrative tasks if students are encouraged to reflect on their experiences and recommend improvements. Students not only extract information from their experiences for academic assignments, they also appraise the effectiveness of the work unit in attaining its goals and they formulate means by which it may improve procedures and outcomes. The scale of operations in small-city environments broadens the options for this type of analysis: exposure to a wide scope of decision processes and results is preferred to a focus on a specialized task.
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| 4 |
ID:
136784
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| Summary/Abstract |
First few months of Narendra Modi Government has created a series of historical milestones in India’s engagement with the international community. Invitation to all SAARC heads of government for Prime Ministerial inauguration, first foreign visit by Prime Minister Modi to Bhutan, sudden postponement of an announced visit to Japan, while going ahead with a visit to Brazil to attend the BRICS summit, and spectacular summits with three major powers—Japan, China and the US are undoubtedly new and unprecedented historical moments in early months of any new government formation in India.
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| 5 |
ID:
136783
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the new government assumed office there was a general expectation, both within the country and outside, that there would be a new vigour in India’s foreign policy. Led by Narendra Modi, the new government did take steps to reinvigorate the external relations. While it is early to judge the intent and the outcome of the decisions taken so far, a trend can be easily identified.
Instead of analysing the efforts taken by the new government in terms of individual countries, it would be useful to identify the broad parameters under which the relationships are being pursued and their effectiveness. In this context, three distinct trends could be identified, in terms of strategies adopted by the new government – the core, outer core and the periphery. Rather than looking through the geographic prism of the immediate neighbourhood, the extended region and the rest, the relationships should be viewed based on their importance and impact.
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| 6 |
ID:
134987
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| Summary/Abstract |
Terrorist groups are not completely isolated, socially “free-floating” entities, but emerge from and operate within a specific, immediate social environment—what we call the radical milieu—which shares their perspective and objectives, approves of certain forms of violence, and (at least to a certain extent) supports the violent group morally and logistically. In this article we introduce an approach to conceptualize and analyze this formative and supportive social environment of clandestine groups, addressing the questions of how the radical milieu emerges, what forms it takes, and what role it plays in shaping the development of violent groups. Our focus, thereby, rests on relationship-patterns between violent groups and radical milieus as well as on processes of interaction between radical milieus and their broader political and societal environment, which may entail dynamics of support and control but also isolation and radicalization
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| 7 |
ID:
136120
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This article examines diaspora mobilization through transnational cultural production within Bosnian diaspora communities in Sweden and the United States in response to genocide. A discussion of diaspora mobilization in response to homeland politics is underlined with data from interviews and participant observation. An example of transnational cultural production through public performance art between an artist and diaspora is highlighted in particular. Its focus is Srebrenica genocide remembrance. The article argues that diaspora cultural production can be more moderate and aims to move beyond ethnonationalist public political debates evidenced in Bosnia and Herzegovina's postconflict political environment while reaffirming belonging to the diaspora in respective host countries.
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