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| 1 |
ID:
134675
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| Summary/Abstract |
The centenary of the outbreak of the First World War has so far produced a great deal of attention from scholars, history buffs, and policymakers alike. Much of this attention says more about attitudes in 2014 than the actual events of 1914. This essay explores ways to use—and not use—analogies to 1914 in discussing present-day policy problems. It demolishes some traditional ways of viewing 1914 and focuses on the unusual and unexpected set of circumstances in that fateful summer. The article concludes by discussing some of the dangers inherent in simplifying history and looks closely at the ways that historians tend to use the past to develop insights for the present.
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| 2 |
ID:
135417
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article discusses high-speed rail projects, focusing on the author's explanation of why the technology is not more pervasive across the world. Topics include a discussion of whether high-speed lines are built for speed or to increase capacity; a discussion of the conditions leading to the building of high-speed lines in some countries, but not others; and the history of the first high-speed railway in Japan.
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| 3 |
ID:
135976
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the global security environment becomes increasingly complex and world leaders are less and less willing to fund defence capabilities, the key question is how senior defence and military leaders can better prepare themselves to analyse the strategic environment and avoid misfortune. Charles D Allen and Jeffrey L Groh argue that senior defence leaders need an integrated analytical approach and outline one such developmental framework for learning, anticipating and adapting to emerging challenges in the strategic environment. This framework should be applied to address the security challenges of the twenty-first century
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| 4 |
ID:
134544
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| Summary/Abstract |
Moscow appeared to be unprepared for polycentrism as it has not yet grasped its basic rule, which was well known to Russian chancellors of the 19th century: one should make compromises on individual issues in order to have closer relations with other centers of power than they have among themselves.
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| 5 |
ID:
134843
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Nearly forty years after the Vietnam War, Hanoi holds no grudges against the United States, in part because nearly all the country’s negative energy today is focused on China. And for good reason: China is big; it’s powerful; it’s right next door; and it has been hostile for two thousand years. Vietnam’s war with the US will never be repeated, but its long history of conflict with China, which is roughly as old now as Christianity, hasn’t been settled and might be revving up yet again.
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| 6 |
ID:
136880
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is time to think about the rationales of space exploration, more than 50 years after the beginning of human space flight. Between J.F. Kennedy words (“landing a man on the Moon and returning him safely to Earth”) and the Mars One, what means today the dangers of exploration, or the concept of “representative of mankind” applied to the astronauts? Beyond the financial, technical and human risks, exploration, and today space exploration, belongs always to the human identity, the way to confront human nature (especially imagination) to the reality of time and space.
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| 7 |
ID:
136153
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| Summary/Abstract |
One year on from the widespread protests in Turkey, the question of why small environmental protests against the building of a shopping mall on Gezi Park in the centre of Istanbul turned into the biggest example of mass civil movement in the republic's history remains unanswered. This article suggests that one can easily detect signs of instability and social unrest in the country long before these mass demonstrations took place. By analysing the evolution of the Turkish party system over the past decade, I argue that the political upheaval in the country is the result of a crisis of representation. This has two aspects: a high degree of polarisation has left certain segments of society unrepresented, while the AKP government has ceased to maintain the balance between responsiveness and responsibility.
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| 8 |
ID:
134554
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| Summary/Abstract |
The world has essentially entered a stage of development increasingly shaped by a cultural determinism that will weigh heavily on humanity in upcoming years and even decades. Today identity politics and specifically culture wars largely influence global development.
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| 9 |
ID:
134555
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| Summary/Abstract |
The current situation is a result of a prolonged process of careless and reckless attempts to involve Russia in the system of Western values. Meanwhile, analyzing Russian discourse solely from the standpoint of Western standards, which are regarded as universal, makes absolutely no sense.
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| 10 |
ID:
137053
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the fact that the issue of whether Canada should develop a greater foreign intelligence capability has been broached numerous times, in various guises, over more than a century, those who have followed the development of the country's intelligence architecture will know it has never had a foreign intelligence service like its close allies. They will also be aware that on each occasion on which the issue has been raised, the Canadian government has declined to proceed. If history is any guide, there is a strong likelihood that the idea of Canada developing a more robust capability will again engage politicians, former intelligence officials, academics, the media, and think tanks in the not too distant future. The view adopted in this paper is that the public discourse has become sterile, and that if it is to advance, aspects of the counterfactual case – why has a foreign Humint capability not been developed? – may prove more fruitful.
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| 11 |
ID:
136344
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| Summary/Abstract |
WALTER ISAACSON, president and CEO of the Aspen Institute and author of 2014's The Innovators, a history of the digital revolution, and MEGAN SMITH, U.S. chief technology officer (CTO) and a former Google executive, discuss imagination, invention, and the need for a stronger Silicon Valley-Washington nexus.
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| 12 |
ID:
134561
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| Summary/Abstract |
Islam is one of the forms of expressing social protest in Muslim regions. Religious phobias will have a negative impact on inter-ethnic conflicts. The Kremlin has little time left to update its policy towards Islam and the Russian Muslim community.
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| 13 |
ID:
136126
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Ukrainian crisis in a way resembles wars of late feudalism in Europe, with private armies formed of assorted mercenaries and retired military of most diverse ethnic, ideological and social affiliations.
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| 14 |
ID:
136129
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| Summary/Abstract |
If the international community fails to establish acceptable and understandable rules of international behavior in the context of “revolutionary challenges,” the world may slip into a new round of global confrontation, which will be caused not by systemic contradictions but by vain disregard for real common threats.
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| 15 |
ID:
134553
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| Summary/Abstract |
As long as the fundamental restructuring of the global system is not reflected in people’s outlook (and this will take decades), the vacuum in the inner sanctum of Russian national consciousness will continue to be filled by the West.
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| 16 |
ID:
135826
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| Summary/Abstract |
The hereditary women performers of north India, called ‘nautch girls’ by the colonial British, and courtesans or tawa'ifs by today's scholars, played a central role in the performance of music and dance in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Substantial recent scholarship has focused on their songs, poems and cultural history; thus, this article addresses choreography, the missing part of their performance practice. Through a detailed examination of dance descriptions in nineteenth-century treatises and comparison of this material with colonial iconography and travel writings, I offer new research about nineteenth-century female performance, placing its practice in historical context and speculating about its evolution and change.
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| 17 |
ID:
136127
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| Summary/Abstract |
The “Minsk process” has created a chance for Donbass to become a new proving ground for unrecognized statehood. Different options, ranging from Chechnya and Serbian Krajina to the Transnistrian experience, may be possible. Or the region may build a unique Donbass model.
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| 18 |
ID:
136128
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| Summary/Abstract |
Absence of a state entails a lot of trouble, but it also offers certain advantages, the main of which is that there is no need to pay for a complex and very costly institutional system. This relieves the ruling groups of a tremendous burden of chores and gives them a free hand.
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| 19 |
ID:
135288
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to add to the exploration and development of Imperial History's contribution to the discipline of International Relations (IR). Focusing on British perceptions of Afghanistan in the period preceding the first Anglo-Afghan war the article considers colonial knowledge as a source of identity construction, but in a manner that avoids deploying anachronistic concepts, in this case that of the Afghan ‘state’. This approach, which draws on the insights brought to IR by historical sociology, shows that engaging with Imperial History within IR can encourage a more reflexive attitude to core disciplinary categories. This not only reveals alternative approaches to the construction of specific political communities but it also allows for a more historicist mode in the use of history by IR as a discipline. Furthermore, by moving away from material based purely on diplomatic history, Afghanistan's imperial encounter can be recovered from the dominance of ‘Great Game’ narratives, offering an account that is more appreciative of the Afghanistan context.
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| 20 |
ID:
134552
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| Summary/Abstract |
Germany would not “divorce” the U.S. to embrace Russia. Still, a monogamous relationship between Washington and Berlin could well be transformed to a peculiar menage a trois, in which Moscow could find its role in sharing influence and possibly even domination in East/Central European space.
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