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| 1 |
ID:
135181
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| Summary/Abstract |
Today’s global society has an unprecedented need for proper and reliable scientific advice. That is because the contemporary world is facing a variety of issues—climate change, energy crises, food security, epidemics—in which science, technology, and society are tightly intertwined. To address these issues, appropriate mechanisms that bridge science and policy making must be established. At the same time, one must recognize that the globalization of the political economy in the past few decades has changed the modality of national borders in every aspect. As a result of these changes, scientific enterprise and relevant socioeconomic activities as well as public policies may have consequences on all parts of the world.1 Thus, scientific advisory systems today need to effectively function not only within individual countries but also in the international context.
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| 2 |
ID:
134544
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| Summary/Abstract |
Moscow appeared to be unprepared for polycentrism as it has not yet grasped its basic rule, which was well known to Russian chancellors of the 19th century: one should make compromises on individual issues in order to have closer relations with other centers of power than they have among themselves.
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| 3 |
ID:
135239
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing analogies between the global political situation in 1914 and the present misses the point: From its outbreak to its conclusion, the Great War was defined by uncertainty and accident.
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| 4 |
ID:
136818
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to present the effect of the new alternative energy revolution globally to the traditionally held petro-power and their fading influence in the global political arena, the effect on the export of variants of religious fundamentalism and an array of issues revolving around the OIL politics and diplomacy globally. The paper also presents a way forward for the Indian government to enhance the energy equation and ensure the energy security for the growing Indian economy.
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| 5 |
ID:
136632
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| Summary/Abstract |
U.S. foreign policy is beset by numerous simultaneous crises. In Syria, the Assad regime continues to commit massive human rights abuses, while Islamic State jihadis are seizing territory in Syria and neighboring Iraq. Russia has annexed Crimea and is threatening its neighbors from Ukraine to the Baltics. In Nigeria, Boko Haram is killing students while they sleep and abducting hundreds of young girls to sell into slavery, while the Ebola virus is killing thousands in neighboring West African states. And as if this wasn't enough, in Asia, China is on the march in the South China Sea, North Korea may test another nuclear device, and U.S. allies Japan and South Korea continue to feud over history issues. In light of these challenges, U.S. foreign policy analysts may understandably question the fate of President Obama's signature foreign policy initiative, the ‘pivot’ or ‘rebalance’ to the Asia–Pacific.
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| 6 |
ID:
136696
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| Summary/Abstract |
A globalized world, some argue, needs a global democracy. But there is considerable disagreement about whether global democracy is an ideal worth pursuing. One of the main grounds for scepticism is captured by the slogan: “No global demos, no global democracy.” The fact that a key precondition of democracy—a demos—is absent at the global level, some argue, speaks against the pursuit of global democracy. I discuss four interpretations of the skeptical slogan—each based on a specific account of the notion of “the demos”—and conclude that none of them establishes that the global democratic ideal must be abandoned. In so doing, I systematize different types of objections against global democracy, thus bringing some clarity to an otherwise intricate debate, and offer a robust but qualified defense of the global democratic
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| 7 |
ID:
136134
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the bipolar Cold-War-style mentality is still quite widespread among the rulers of Russian society, it is not a fundamental feature of their global viewpoint. Rather, Russia’s sense of being insulted and disappointed after it failed to join the “premier league” is behind this mindset.
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| 8 |
ID:
136100
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| Summary/Abstract |
The literature on climate-induced migration agrees that it is almost impossible to identify individual people as displaced by global warming. At the same time, it is very hard not to see climate-refugees—thanks to the news, reports, films, and charity adverts that picture climate-refugees as the “human face of global warming.” This article engages with this often unnoticed and taken-for-granted field of visibility and investigates its implications for the securitization of climate-induced migration. Based on a Foucauldian notion of security, the paper conducts a visual discourse analysis of 135 images collected from publications, newspapers, and Web sites on climate-induced migration. Throughout this analysis, the climate migrant/refugee appears as a racialized figure, a passive and helpless victim of global warming. In turn, global warming is pictured as an overwhelming, omnipresent, and erratic threat, endangering large parts of the global population. This field of visibility showcases a shift from liberal biopolitics in the name of human security toward securing through fostering resilience. This shift depoliticizes the issue of global warming, makes those affected by it responsible for their own survival, reinstates them as the dangerous Other and so bars them from crossing the global “life-chance divide.”
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| 9 |
ID:
135545
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scholars of international relations often operate under the assumption that their project is to generate the truth, to come to some objective understanding of what the international sphere is and how it works. Most contemporary international relations theory, though, is tainted by a major source of bias: it is produced in western nations by western authors for western readers. International relations theory is skewed westward, which impairs its ability to explain and to produce social good.
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