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| 1 |
ID:
136485
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| Summary/Abstract |
Many who struggle to find economic stability in African and Islamic countries have settled in Brazil, whose immigration regulation “is one of the most draconian statutes in the Western Hemisphere.” Fernanda Canofre explains the implications of Brazil’s outdated immigration laws, and follows the stories of three immigrants hoping to find better lives for themselves in Nova Araçá, a small town in the south of the country.
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| 2 |
ID:
136943
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Ever since different communities began processes of global migration, sport has been an integral feature in how we conceptualise and experience the notion of being part of a diaspora. Sport provides diasporic communities with a powerful means of creating transnational ties, but also shapes ideas of their ethnic and racial identities. In spite of this, theories of diaspora have been applied sparingly to sporting discourses. Due mainly to its central role in spreading dominant white racial narratives within the British Empire, and the various ways different ethnic groups have ‘played’ with the meanings and associations of the sport in the (post-)colonial period, CRICKET is an interesting focus for academic research. Despite W.G. Grace’s claim that CRICKET advances civilisation by promoting a common bond, binding together peoples of vastly different backgrounds, to this day cricket operates strict symbolic boundaries; defining those who do, and equally, do not, belong. C.L.R. James’ now famous metaphor of looking ‘beyond the boundary’ captures the belief that, to fully understand the significance of cricket, and the sport’s roles in changing and shaping society, one must consider the wider social and political contexts within which the game is played. The collection of articles in this special issue does just that. Cricket acts as the point of departure in each, but the way in which ideas of power, representation and inequality are ‘played out’ is unique in each.
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| 3 |
ID:
135307
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EU migration and asylum policy is facing tough challenges at the southern borders of the Union as migration and asylum pressures rise, fuelled by political instability and poverty in several regions of Asia and Africa. Current European border control practices create three spaces of control: externalised borders, through readmission and return agreements which enrol third countries in border control; the EU borders themselves through the work of Frontex and the development of a whole arsenal of technology tools for controlling mobility to and from the EU; and the Schengen area, whose regulations tend to reinforce deterrence at the borders through the Smart Border System. As a result, the EU’s balancing act between irregular migration control and protection of refugees and human life clearly tips towards the former, even if it pays lip service to the latter. More options for mobility across the Mediterranean and more cooperation for growth are essential ingredients of a sustainable migration management policy on the EU’s southern borders. In addition asylum management could benefit from EU level humanitarian visas issued at countries of origin.
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| 4 |
ID:
135862
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| Summary/Abstract |
Twenty years after independence the labour market of western Kazakhstan is strongly oriented towards the resource-extraction industry. The oil sector offers job opportunities not only in mining and exploration but also in connected services such as transport, security and food supply, and maintenance services. Based on a year of ethnographic fieldwork in the region, I argue that the resource-extraction industry provides a blessing for the working population in terms of relatively high salaries; however, it represents a curse in terms of labour conditions. This article highlights, through the example of Aktobe province, workers’ attitudes towards and their agency within the oil sector that influences migration choices. The research suggests that money earned in the oil sector can work as a catalyst for migration and urbanization.
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| 5 |
ID:
137015
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| Summary/Abstract |
The concept of resilience was born and grew up in the environmental sciences during the 1970s. After migrating into many other disciplines, resilience is now ‘coming home’ to the politics of the environment in the name of security. The field of climate change induced migration is investigated as a paradigmatic case of environmental security. On a theoretical level, resilience is studied as a governmentality; that is, as advanced liberal government which governs through contingency. On an empirical level, a brief genealogy of environmental migration is presented with a focus on the latest discursive shift towards resilience. It is demonstrated that climate change induced migration was once represented as a pathology to be prevented and, more recently, as an issue of refugee rights. However, the shift towards resilience has reframed the debate. Climate change-induced migration is now presented as a rational strategy of adaptation to unavoidable levels of climate change and the relocation of millions of people is rendered acceptable and rational. The most drastic policy implication of this shift is that the space of the political is eliminated. Climate change is presented as a matter of fact rather than as a social problem that could still be tackled by significant emission reductions and lifestyle changes by residents in the major developed economies.
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| 6 |
ID:
136694
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There are today 50-60 million people displaced from their homes by conflict, disasters and environmental change. The Moving Energy Initiative aims to provide them with safe power
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| 7 |
ID:
136230
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A substantial proportion of China's rapid economic growth is attributed to its large number of rural to urban migrants, but most of these migrants' children are left behind in rural areas, mainly due to China's household registration system. Any attempt to identify the impact of parental migration on children's school performance may encounter the problem of endogeneity. We use unique survey data from more than 7600 4th and 5th grade students from 74 rural elementary schools. Using an instrumental variable estimation, our results indicated that having migrant parents can marginally reduce a child's math score rank by 15.60%, which implies that the current economic growth in China partially jeopardizes the future of the next rural generation. Based on a bivariate probit model, the results show that compared to neither parents being migrants, migration of the father reduces the rank of a child's math score by 8.37%, and migration of the mother reduces the rank by 23.30%.
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| 8 |
ID:
134561
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| Summary/Abstract |
Islam is one of the forms of expressing social protest in Muslim regions. Religious phobias will have a negative impact on inter-ethnic conflicts. The Kremlin has little time left to update its policy towards Islam and the Russian Muslim community.
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| 9 |
ID:
134773
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkey, similar to its counterparts in emerging markets, has been aiming to reduce irregular migration effectively and comprehensively with various sets of policies since the 1990s. However, the number of undocumented migrants continues to increase and unregistered foreign employment is as high as ever. This study aims to explain the reasons underlying this conundrum by focusing on the nature of the policies adopted and the characteristics of the target population relying on data collected on a sample of unregistered foreign workers in the textile sector in Istanbul. It argues that the reasons for the limited effectiveness of the policies is attributable to structural factors such as inherent problems with the existing policies for regulating irregular migration and preferences as well as the behavior of the unregistered foreign workers and their employers.
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| 10 |
ID:
134955
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India and Bangladesh are interrelated in geopolitical relations but their core objectives are different. While geopolitical compulsions introduce the never-ending challenges of proximity to the two parties, including crucial issues of security, migration and resource sharing, Bangladesh is yet to form its own identity in which the perceived image of India figures predominantly, and the attitudes and expectations they develop towards each other shape the pattern of bilateral interactions between the two countries. Solutions to a number of vexed problems remain elusive and irritants in relations out-number gestures of goodwill. While the warmth in relations has frequently fluctuated with the change of regimes, a sustained pattern of uneasiness and mistrust persists. Analysed at three levels of geopolitics, attitudinal effects and functional exchanges, India–Bangladesh relations appear as a reflection of normal big country–small country power relations where policies are formulated on the basis of the primary principle of self-help but are further shaded by the quest for transforming itself into a nation-state by Bangladesh.
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| 11 |
ID:
136146
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This paper reports on a recent research project into rural–urban labour migrants in Shanghai, China, who are members of ethnic minorities, inquiring into the role of ethnicity in national labour migration. It introduces some of the main features of the ethnic nationalities (minzu) in China and considers some of the literature on rural–urban migration in China which may be considered as relevant to ethnicity. The case of a Miao minority family in Shanghai is described in detail to argue that what remains important to them in the city is not their formal ethnic affiliation (minzu) so much as a sub-ethnic identity of connectedness and intimacy, importantly related to kinship and place.
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| 12 |
ID:
135465
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| Summary/Abstract |
Migration in its broadest sense implies spatial mobility, which is as old as human civilization itself. Research on migration came to be institutionalised since the 1960’s in the Western academia. The colonial states twin projects of state building and development led to the emergence of entirely new forms of migration, which were firmly rooted in the political economy of the colonial state and were highly gendered. Labour migration occurred within the confines of the colonies, in the emerging urban centres, mining and industrial sites and commercial farms became an important site for migration studies. The large-scale human movements at the behest of the colonial state, whether voluntary or forced, constitute an arena for the migration researchers. Researches on migration have focussed too on early migrations, in terms of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in the Americas. In the past two or three decades, however, also the African dimensions of the Atlantic slave trade, “African slavery” and the “oriental slave” trade have been increasingly well researched.
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| 13 |
ID:
134728
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| Summary/Abstract |
In its current configuration, the literature on securitisation – the process of integrating an issue into a security framework that emphasises policing and defence – relies mainly on two logics: the logic of exception and the logic of routine. For some scholars, these two approaches to the study of securitisation frame a battleground on which a conflict among various structural, critical, cultural and sociological standpoints is waged. Although many graduate students cut their theoretical teeth on these debates, little has been gained thus far in the battle for possession of the field. By questioning the literature’s underlying understanding of these two logics as opposing and competing, I pursue two aims in this article. First, I seek to bolster current research on the securitisation process by moving the conversation away from its current analytical stalemate. I caution scholars against overdrawing distinctions between the two logics, for it is not clear that they are mutually exclusive. Second, I seek to recognise and harness the strengths of both logics, and to identify the fruitful theoretical ‘bricks’ each framework contributes to our understanding of securitisation. I illustrate the preceding set of arguments through an analysis of the social construction of migration as a security threat in France since the end of the Cold War
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| 14 |
ID:
136580
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| Summary/Abstract |
The purpose of this study is to examine the antecedents of social adaptation among North Korean refugees in South Korea. The paper hypothesizes that the relationship between perceived discrimination and social adaptation in South Korea will be mediated by national identity. To test this, a survey was conducted of 405 North Korean refugees in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province in South Korea. Social adaptation among North Korean refugees was associated with perceived discrimination in South Korea. That relationship was mediated by their national identity. In this study, national identity was a partial rather than a full mediator of the relationship between perceived discrimination and social adaptation. This is consistent with the hypothesis that perceived discrimination has not only direct effects on social adaptation, but also has indirect effects on social adaptation through national identity as a mediator. Based on the findings, this study presents practical suggestions for intervention for reducing their discrimination experience and promoting social adaptation and national identity among North Korean refugees in South Korea.
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| 15 |
ID:
136684
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| Summary/Abstract |
Germany is now the second most attractive destination for migrants worldwide, after the United States, according to figures issued last year by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. The image produced by these statistics of a Germany at ease with being a multicultural society is now cracking. Rallies by the Pegida movement demanding a tightening of German immigration policies are attended by up to 25,000 protesters in Dresden each week, while smaller chapters exist in Bamberg, Bonn and Leipzig.
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| 16 |
ID:
136104
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on feminist research methodologies and theory, this article recentres critical security studies to focus on a migrant seeking an alternative form of security after his application for asylum was denied by the state. The two main objectives of this article are; first, to resituate a failed asylum seeker, Qasim, as an agent of international security as understood through his practice of seeking and obtaining security; and, second, to demonstrate a revised performative conceptualization of security through understanding the failed asylum seeker as practicing an embodied theorization of security. The encounter with Qasim shows alternative means of seeking security, which illustrates agency on the part of the migrant that exists actively outside of the state. This contests the positioning of migrants as passive victims and recognizes a way of being in the world that by necessity cannot rely on a state-based identity. Ethnographic methods, including participant observation and a narrative interview with Qasim, elucidate his practice of security and allow for the development of a theoretical conceptualization of security that remains true to a failed asylum seeker’s practice in the UK.
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| 17 |
ID:
136382
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The lack of easy access to oil and gas reserves and the influx of more than I million refugees from neighbouring countries have led to severe water and energy shortages in Jordan. Sophie Cohen examines the dwindling options to meet the country’s needs.
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| 18 |
ID:
135881
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Under pressure from voters, and from other parties, Europe's centre-left has had to re-evaluate its position on migration. The UK Labour party is no exception. Public concern about large-scale immigration clearly contributed to its heavy defeat at the 2010 general election. Since then it has been slowly but surely hardening its stance on the issue, although this is by no means unprecedented: while the rise of UKIP may have upped the ante in recent months, Labour has a long history of adjusting policy in this area so as to remain competitive with its main rival, the Conservative party. Labour is now asking itself whether it will be possible to do this without challenging one of the fundamental precepts of EU membership—the right of free movement of people. Whatever the result of this internal debate between the party's ‘beer drinkers’ and its ‘wine drinkers’, Labour may still have difficulty in neutralising immigration as an issue since, for the most part, it continues to insist on giving an essentially economic answer to what for many voters is actually a cultural question.
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| 19 |
ID:
136422
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the growing role of migrants’ remittances in the new reality created by the significant changes in the functioning of the global and national economy. It attempts to show that economic development based on the use of primarily recurring external financial sources pegged to indicators of threshold values of the external debt under formation and indicators for retaining macroeconomic stability is creating significant risks.
The author examines the dynamics of the volume of migrants’ remittances in this respect, as well as their importance for Tajikistan’s economic and social development, particularly in ensuring the country’s macroeconomic stability. This is shown in the drawing up of a new National Mid-Term Development Strategy.
The article also states the need for taking efficient steps to transform remittances into investment and financial assets; in the near future, they should be used to create the country’s production potential. This will create conditions not only for making the Tajik economy less dependent on external factors, but also allow it to gain additional advantages from its accession to the WTO.
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| 20 |
ID:
135889
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Before his untimely death in 2011, Peter Mair took up the idea of ‘representative and responsible government’ from Anthony Birch’s 1964 book.1 Mair argued that the contemporary political malaise of Western democracies arose from the gap between the demands of representation and the constraints of prudence, consistency and conformity to external commitments which face a responsible government. This tension is evident in immigration policy. In responding to public opinion, the government has been drawn into making promises that it cannot honour without radically rewriting the UK’s external commitments. To fend off the threat from UKIP, the government is taking the country to the brink of leaving the European Union. Yet the promise to limit immigration apparently had to be made: it was ‘demanded’ by a section of the public that would otherwise defect to the political fringe—to a party entirely occupied with representation and unimpaired by the constraints of responsibility
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