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| 1 |
ID:
135031
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| Summary/Abstract |
As global warming and melting of the ice is making the Arctic increasingly accessible, the region’s hydrocarbon riches are attracting international interest. Thus far, despite the presence of vast untapped energy and mineral resources, the Arctic is not considered a geopolitical hotspot. In fact, many of the Arctic states have dismissed the possibility of conflict over the region’s spoils due to the collaborative governance model that has been established. But as the demand for resources grows interminably, and factors in the international energy market begin impinging on the region, how long will the Arctic manage to retain its peaceful environment?
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| 2 |
ID:
136020
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| Summary/Abstract |
Europe’s attempts to expand its sources of natural gas have been hampered by a series of geopolitical challenges, Georgiy Voloshin and Andrew Neff examine whether the planned southern gas corridor will reduce Europe’s reliance on Russia supplies.
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| 3 |
ID:
136317
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| Summary/Abstract |
To secure its energy future, India urgently needs to design and implement innovative policies and mechanisms that promote increased use of abundant, sustainable, renewable resources. The present centralized model of power generation, transmission and distribution is growing more and more and more costly to maintain and, at the same time, restricts the flexibility required to meet growing energy demands.
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| 4 |
ID:
134760
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| Summary/Abstract |
The implementation of a free trade area between China and ASEAN has enhanced economic links between them. In spite of this, China’s Southeast Asian neighbours still have strong strategic misgivings about the country’s growth in wealth and power. China’s energy rise, in the form of surging demands and an expanding presence, has added a new ingredient in Sino-Southeast Asian relations. From the combined perspectives of both economic mercantilism and economic liberalism, this article analyses the implications of China’s energy rise on its Southeast Asian neighbours, and the doubts and debates that surround them. Such impacts arguably are mixed, and the more important aspect of such impacts arises not from China’s surging demand per se, but rather from the policies it created to deal with it.
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| 5 |
ID:
136311
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2012, the alliance to save energy established the Alliance commission on national energy efficiency policy, composed of leaders from business, government, industry and the environmental community, to developed the next generation of EE policies for the United States.
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| 6 |
ID:
136316
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ministry of Power, government of India has launched the restructured accelerated power development and reform programme (R-APDRP) under the eleventh 5 year plan to cover towns with a population of more than 30000 (10,000 in the case of special category states) with a plan allocation of more than RS. 50,000 Cr. The aim is to reduce aggregate technical and commercial (AT&C) losses, and to improve services and quality of power through the use of information technology.
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| 7 |
ID:
134588
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| Summary/Abstract |
The discovery of oil and natural-gas reserves in the Middle East at the beginning of the twentieth century changed the fate of the region. From a backwater of international politics, the Middle East became central to international strategic rivalries. Almost a century later, energy discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean are unlikely to bring about such tectonic shifts in the strategic fortunes of the Levant. Yet they have generated a fresh interest in their potential impact on existing regional disputes and power constellations.
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| 8 |
ID:
135908
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| Summary/Abstract |
Energy systems can be an integral part of the initiation of insurgencies and revolutions. Their quality and reliability may be causative factors in some instances and contributory factors in others. Energy systems are systems within systems nested in other systems, so the effect of an attack on a fuel source or parts of an energy system may have more far reaching effects than initially expected. This article will look at various energy systems and fuels, as well as some of the systems attached to them, including communications, transportation, water, and food. It will also look at examples of attacks on energy systems and why they may occur and by whom during times of conflict. There is a discussion of how a country could use energy to help reduce the chances of further conflict in the initial post-conflict environment. Energy policy options for a government wishing to stay in power, both pre- and post-conflict, are presented.
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| 10 |
ID:
136302
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| Summary/Abstract |
The subject of the resource curse has been studied extensively and the standard conclusion is that countries rich in natural resources are doomed to perform poorly. However the empirical evidence is not so clear cut as to agree with this conclusion. Norway is an oil economy, yet its economy has performed admirably. Other countries such as Netherlands and the United States have done the same
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| 11 |
ID:
134686
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the impact of water on the relationships between Turkey and its downstream riparian states, Syria and Iraq. This article defines water resources in international standards and examines the historical relationships between the three states, which have been complicated by the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP). Examining the history of Turco-Iraqi and Turco-Syrian relations, this article shows that GAP, though a point of contention, has not been the principal factor governing the relations between the three countries.
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| 12 |
ID:
137125
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| Summary/Abstract |
The changing geopolitics of energy in favour of Asian countries, the crucial dependence of the latter on West Asia for their energy security, and the interest of the USA in sharing the responsibility for regional security, these developments have thrown up new opportunities for Asian countries to pursue shared interests that would bring the USA, other Western powers, and the principal Asian powersChina, Japan, Korea and Indiain a new cooperative paradigm structured around the GCC countries, Iran and Iraq.
The challenges in realizing this strategic paradigm would require the principal regional players to give up their present postures of confrontation and hostility, and engage with erstwhile rivals on the same platform for dialogue, the establishment of confidence building measures, and the addressing of issues that divide them in a free and frank environment.
Before this happens, the four principal Asian countries would themselves have to develop the habit of dialogue as well as the development of consensus amongst themselvesa daunting task in itself since Asian countries have little experience of strategic dialogue with each other on Asian issues.
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| 13 |
ID:
136320
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| Summary/Abstract |
India’s national hydrogen energy roadmap leading to the implementation of the national hydrogen energy programme, is an industrial driven planning process that offered long-term energy solutions, while insuring energy security for the country.
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| 14 |
ID:
134570
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article attempts to highlight major institutional causes for weaknesses of multilateralism in energy relations between States. In particular, the view defended here focuses on the concept of logic of appropriateness, which helps to conceptualize the level of acceptance of norms and practices. Four various angles of institutions of energy relations are then analyzed: political vs economic angles and rational vs value angles. On these grounds, the case study about the Energy Charter process is then analyzed. In conclusion, the article argues that the Energy Charter process is an explicit attempt to create an international governance, although the issues of acceptance (conflict of appropriateness) is an important barrier to the multilateralism in energy.
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| 15 |
ID:
135532
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| Summary/Abstract |
Department of Defense energy investment decisions lack of sound foundation, putting warfighting capability at risk
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| 16 |
ID:
136314
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| Summary/Abstract |
Having experienced the challenges of a tight power supply and demand balance after the Great East Japan Earthquake (Fukushima nuclear accident) in 2011, Japan is revitalizing its energy efficiency policy once again. The government amended its act on the rational use of energy in May 2013. The act’s first pillar aims to improve the thermal insulation performance of house and buildings.
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| 17 |
ID:
136323
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| Summary/Abstract |
The technological developments in manufacturing industry, still the major energy consumer, have more or less stagnated with many of the prevailing technologies changing not much ever since early nineties.
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| 18 |
ID:
134590
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| Summary/Abstract |
On January 14, 2011, thousands poured into Habib Bourguiba Street, the symbolic heart of Tunis. They streamed in front of the Interior Ministry and broke through security barriers as they raced through downtown streets. Chanting and waving placards, they denounced the security forces and the party that had been in power since Tunisia's independence from France in 1956. The protesters called for karama (dignity), for hurriyyah (freedom) and for President Ben Ali to step down. By late afternoon, Ben Ali and his family had taken the presidential plane to Saudi Arabia, leaving the country in chaos and the government in shambles.
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| 19 |
ID:
136691
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| Summary/Abstract |
Vladimir Putin claims to lead an OIL and gas superpower. But the West's concerns about being held hostage by its energy needs are groundless The idea that Russia could achieve a strategic advantage over its neighbours through its energy resources is well known. After the start of the conflict in Ukraine last year, western media and energy experts suggested that Russia could use its energy power as part of its ‘hybrid war’. It is therefore worth looking closely at what is real and what is false in the Kremlin’s capabilities in the OIL and gas sector.
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| 20 |
ID:
135094
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| Summary/Abstract |
During their more than twenty-year history, the countries of the Caspian Region and Central Asia have achieved remarkable success in crude hydrocarbon production. The appearance of additional volumes of oil and gas in the Caspian and Central Asian countries has made it important to find ways to deliver them to the foreign markets, turning energy and transportation-communication factors into one of the top priorities in regional development.
The history of current pipeline projects in the Caspian Region and Central Asia is compelling the regional states to exert efforts to reduce Russia’s transportation-communication domination. The Caspian and Central Asian countries that pin their hopes on oil and gas as a way to confirm their independence and expand their cooperation with Western states are focusing priority attention on overcoming their dependence on Russia and diversifying pipeline routes. This has caused a shift in accents toward hydrocarbon resources in foreign policy, including in pipeline transportation.
In addition to the plans for building gas and oil pipelines, geographical considerations are making significant corrections to the implementation of pipeline projects. In the 1990s, large-scale pipeline projects could only be carried out in the Caspian Region with the active participation of the Black Sea countries, which acted as an energy bridge for delivering hydrocarbon resources from the Caspian fields. The pipeline projects eventually gave rise to the Black Sea-Caspian link, which became a backbone for the new international relations forming and served as a foundation for joining the two regions into a unified geopolitical area. As new projects for delivering hydrocarbon resources from the Central Asian countries through the Caspian Sea appeared, the term “Caspian-Central Asian region” came into scientific circulation, reflecting the growing interconnection and interaction of the two regions in implementing pipeline projects.
In recent years, pipeline projects in the Caspian and Central Asia countries have been acquiring increasing importance. As new data about oil and gas reserves appear and industrial production begins, interest in export pipelines is increasing, attracting the attention not only of the Caspian and Central Asian countries, but also of foreign states and leading oil and gas companies. This situation means that the competition among export routes will remain intense.
This article examines the results of implementing pipeline projects in the Caspian Region and Central Asia and analyzes the factors hindering the building of export routes. It focuses particular attention on the geopolitical struggle that is largely generated by pipeline competition.
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