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| 1 |
ID:
135944
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Arctic is a dynamic region. Conditions prevailing in the region today differ from those of yesterday in ways that have far-reaching consequences regarding needs for governance and the means of addressing them. There is every reason to expect that the Arctic of tomorrow will present a new array of needs for governance. It follows that effective governance in this region requires arrangements that are resilient in the sense that they are able to adapt to changing demands for governance over time without compromising their ability to solve problems in the present.[①] Taking this observation as a point of departure, I consider current and future needs for governance in the Arctic and assess the capacity of existing and emerging arrangements to meet these needs effectively. In the concluding section, I comment on the implications of these developments for the framing of policies relating to the Arctic on the part of China and other non-Arctic states.
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| 2 |
ID:
135031
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| Summary/Abstract |
As global warming and melting of the ice is making the Arctic increasingly accessible, the region’s hydrocarbon riches are attracting international interest. Thus far, despite the presence of vast untapped energy and mineral resources, the Arctic is not considered a geopolitical hotspot. In fact, many of the Arctic states have dismissed the possibility of conflict over the region’s spoils due to the collaborative governance model that has been established. But as the demand for resources grows interminably, and factors in the international energy market begin impinging on the region, how long will the Arctic manage to retain its peaceful environment?
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| 3 |
ID:
135045
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| Summary/Abstract |
A global temperature rise is being experienced earliest and most intensely in the Arctic region. The changes are worrying but the commercial interests are equally enticing. The Arctic is witnessing the convergence of the geophysical, the geo-economic and the geostrategic in strange and dramatic ways, making it a paradox and an antithesis. For India, the Arctic is distant when it comes to economic interests and near when it comes to climate change. As India today reassesses and rethinks its role in the new global geopolitical space, the Arctic becomes an important part of that reorientation and a movement towards a ‘global knowledge commons’. The Arctic is now an important geographical categorisation in India’s global policies. It must also be stressed that recent Arctic ascendancy in the policy domain stems directly from the strengthening of India’s climate change-linked economic and scientific positions in global world affairs.
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| 4 |
ID:
136171
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| Summary/Abstract |
Several scholars have begun to assess the benefits of role play simulations in the university classroom. This study provides a model to assess the effectiveness of active learning exercises on student engagement and learning. The paper describes role play simulations related to climate change negotiations run in four courses at two universities in the United States and Canada, identifies the learning outcomes, and aligns them with four knowledge domains (factual, conceptual, procedural, and metacognitive), developed from Anderson and Krathwohl's (2001) work, a revision of Bloom's (1959) taxonomy. We offer a useful assessment model, and discuss several assignments designed to assess the educational effectiveness of the simulations, and conclude by identifying additional areas for future research.
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| 5 |
ID:
137065
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the destabilizing impact of rapid-onset, climate-related disasters. It uses a sample of storms and floods in conjunction with two intensity measures of civil unrest to examine two perspectives on human reactions to disasters (conflictual, cooperative). It also uses insights from the contentious politics literature to understand how emotions posited by the conflictual perspective are transformed into destabilizing acts. While the data show that mean levels of unrest are higher in the wake of disasters, the means poorly reflect the data: the vast majority of episodes do not show higher levels of unrest. Moreover, even when higher levels of unrest emerge, they are not a simple reflection of disaster's human impact; this underscores the importance of the transformational process. Thus, a preliminary model of political violence is investigated; it employs impact, process and institutional variables and it explains three-quarters of the variance in the intensity of violence.
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| 6 |
ID:
136777
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| Summary/Abstract |
Climate change is likely to influence maritime security in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The growing unpredictability in climate and weather patterns is having a disproportionate impact over the region. Not only is the IOR predicted to bear the brunt of future climatic changes, it is also likely to face strong constraints in meeting the coming threats. The effect of climate change on human security in the IOR is only likely to be matched by the impact of extreme weather conditions on naval operations and the security of maritime assets. This article argues that changing climate could take the form of a structural challenge that regional maritime forces will need to prepare systematically to tackle effectively.
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| 7 |
ID:
136648
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| Summary/Abstract |
The paper focuses on the maritime aspects of climate change. It highlights the regulatory role that the oceans play in the global climate, through its absorptive and buffering capacities. Based on recent reports, the paper presents various observations on ocean warming, sea level rise, ocean acidification and de-oxygenation, and charts out their impacts on the oceans. Based on forecasts for the future, it observes that these changes will continue to degrade marine ecosystems further, unless considerable action is taken now. The paper notes that climate change poses substantial risks to human and natural systems, which have significant implications for India. As this poses challenges to the growth and development of the country, India needs to take action for adaptation as well as for mitigation. The paper also examines India's stand in climate negotiations and suggests that India needs to adopt a flexible approach while championing the cause of an equitable and fair climate deal. The paper concludes that there is a strong case for bringing oceans into the public debate and strengthening India's resilience capacity is the key to face the growing threat of climate change.
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| 8 |
ID:
136522
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the last five years, India and China have worked closely, as part of the BASIC (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) and the Like- Minded Developing Countries (LMDC) groups. The two countries have done so despite differences in their levels of economic growth and emission. The BASIC bloc is right in claiming the North for responsibility of global warming but it is true that China is undoubtedly growing fast and today is the world’s biggest emitter of green house gases.
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| 9 |
ID:
135224
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| Summary/Abstract |
Achieving relatively easy terms under the Kyoto Protocol did not necessarily inspire post-socialist states to engage enthusiastically in international climate talks
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| 10 |
ID:
136590
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| Summary/Abstract |
Climate change is a serious and inevitable threat for Bangladesh. The country faces significant challenges to its overall development due to frequent flooding, tropical cyclones, droughts and other natural calamities, all of which deplete a significant amount of the annual national budget. Researches show that climate change has increased the frequency of the natural disasters and is likely to intensify further in the future. It is estimated that, climate change combined with the threat of sea level rise, would cause forced-displacement of millions of people from low-lying and coastal areas of densely populated Bangladesh. The paper reveals that climate change has severe impacts on Bangladesh due to its unique geographical location and socio-economic characteristics. This suggests that climate change poses security threats for Bangladesh in terms of weakening the elements of national power and generating violence in the society. The paper also explored that though Bangladesh is making all out efforts to face climate change, but for obvious reason the role of armed forces has not yet been emphasised at the national strategic level. As such, this paper suggests for the incorporation of Bangladesh armed forces in the national response plans on climate change issues.
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| 11 |
ID:
136218
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| Summary/Abstract |
Within the United Nations, the United Nations Development Programme, United Nations Environment Programme and Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs have all highlighted climate risks as relevant to their work in areas affected by conflict, endorsing human security approaches as valid for mapping the relationships between climate stresses and conflict-related harm. While this policy interest has limited operational presence, I discuss salient assessments of climate vulnerability in (post)conflict areas, arguing that these agencies have applied a natural disaster rather than conflict regulation inflection of humanitarian reason. The former entails a biopolitical paradigm of disaster risk reduction, prescribing technical-managerial measures to build the resilience of vulnerable populations. This framing supports a depoliticised stance reflecting UN norms of neutrality and impartiality. I claim that this position nevertheless disregards its own geopolitical conditions and effects, which dilute the scope for international humanitarian law to assign responsibility for conflict-related harm.
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| 12 |
ID:
142026
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper analyses the response by the Australian political–military establishment to climate change through the lens of securitization theory. The research used mixed content analysis techniques to systematically examine more than 1500 speech-acts, policies and doctrinal articles between 2003 and 2013. It argues that the Australian Defence Force (ADF) was not a climate securitizing actor and that its response to climate change was mediated by the political partisanship surrounding broader national policy debates on climate change. The politicization of climate change made it increasingly difficult for the ADF to publicly adopt meaningful climate policies. It subsequently crafted a strategy that minimized any investment (resource or reputational) lest a change of government rendered them invalid or it drew unwanted criticism. At the very heart of this finding exists the challenge of an avowedly apolitical institution responding to what emerged in the Australian context as a politically partisan security issue. The more serious indictment concerned how national security policy (in the context of climate change as a security issue) became hostage to the politics of climate change.
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| 13 |
ID:
136221
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper is a local level examination of the political spaces and opportunities that arise for radical political agents in the aftermath of a climatic disaster. It explores the theoretical argument that disasters break the social contract between the state and disaster-affected communities by opening political space for change. The empirical work is based on a large-scale flooding disaster that affected southern Pakistan in 2010 and 2011 and caused international concern around increased Islamist mobilisation through their disaster relief programmes. The case study investigates the extent to which the climatic disaster opened political space for the radical Islamist group, the Jamaat-ud-Dawa, to mobilise. Based on fieldwork conducted in three districts of Sindh in southern Pakistan, this paper demonstrates that climatic disasters are able to impact radical politics. This connection is not linear or causal but rather very complex. It further explains why this type of inquiry is relevant in order to understand climate change and security
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| 14 |
ID:
135942
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Second National Communication (SNC) on Climate Change of the People’s Republic of China was submitted to the Secretariat of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC, hereinafter referred to as the Convention) in November 2012[①] and was released to the international community. The second part of the communication was about China’s GHG inventory in 2005. This was the third time China officially released its GHG data after the release of GHG data of 1994 in Initial National Communication on Climate Change of the People’s Republic of China (INC) in 2004[②] and data of 2004 in National Climate Change Programme (NCCP) in 2007[③]. And this was also the first time China officially released the base year data after its 2020 CO2 mitigation target was announced in 2009 before the Copenhagen Conference, attracting wide attention from the international community.
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| 15 |
ID:
136216
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| Summary/Abstract |
Malthus’s privileging of population growth as the main cause of poverty, scarcity and war still resonates widely in both the public policy arena and popular culture. It shapes dominant discourses about the relationship between climate change, conflict and security in Africa. This article examines what I call the Malthusian Anticipatory Regime for Africa (MARA). MARA represents the convergence of current international strategies for reducing high fertility in sub-Saharan Africa through long-acting female contraception with climate conflict narratives that blame environmental degradation on population pressure and portray young African men as a security threat. Together these serve as a powerful gendered rationale for Western humanitarian and military interventions. MARA also plays a role in justifying the new land enclosures on the continent. How can critical scholarship more effectively challenge MARA and intervene in the politics of anticipating the future?
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| 16 |
ID:
137096
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2007 China passed the United States to become the greatest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2). In the same year a report was published by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Following this report, the Chinese media began to make a link between human activity and climate change. To analyse the climate discourse that has emerged since the publication of the report, this article draws on the argument of Guobin Yang and Craig Calhoun that China has a green public sphere. In China amid the messages to consume more are messages broadcast for the masses by the Chinese state and foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs) advocating ‘green’ and ‘low-carbon’ lifestyles with little mention of climate change or questioning of existing policies. Smaller spaces or publics exist and are primarily occupied by governmental and non-governmental elites that debate and discuss climate change in serious and playful manners. Yet it is in spaces that are not public where policies are being crafted which influence the emissions of greenhouse gases in China, while citizens focus on their economic livelihood.
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| 17 |
ID:
137015
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| Summary/Abstract |
The concept of resilience was born and grew up in the environmental sciences during the 1970s. After migrating into many other disciplines, resilience is now ‘coming home’ to the politics of the environment in the name of security. The field of climate change induced migration is investigated as a paradigmatic case of environmental security. On a theoretical level, resilience is studied as a governmentality; that is, as advanced liberal government which governs through contingency. On an empirical level, a brief genealogy of environmental migration is presented with a focus on the latest discursive shift towards resilience. It is demonstrated that climate change induced migration was once represented as a pathology to be prevented and, more recently, as an issue of refugee rights. However, the shift towards resilience has reframed the debate. Climate change-induced migration is now presented as a rational strategy of adaptation to unavoidable levels of climate change and the relocation of millions of people is rendered acceptable and rational. The most drastic policy implication of this shift is that the space of the political is eliminated. Climate change is presented as a matter of fact rather than as a social problem that could still be tackled by significant emission reductions and lifestyle changes by residents in the major developed economies.
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| 18 |
ID:
136217
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that the securitisation of Africa’s environment and climate in the early twenty-first century has less to do with multidisciplinary inquiry into the complexities of climate change, development and conflict, and more with historically established paradigms of thinking about Africa, its ecosystems and notions of disorder and violence. Securitisation is the result of a specific moment in the post–Cold War era with its particular geopolitical configuration and of deeply embedded modes of imagining the African continent, its peoples and their relationship with the environments they inhabit. The main objective of this article is to historicise and politicise the prevailing dystopian discourse about climate-induced insecurity. I show that the assumptions and chains of causality that constitute today’s climate wars narrative are remarkably similar in nature to the environmental narratives that underpinned imperialist and post-independence discourses on environment and development, legitimising highly authoritarian interventions against local populations by governments.
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| 19 |
ID:
136524
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is a dire urgency to incorporate fair gender policies and developmental programmes while overthrowing age old existing customs and traditions for the world to attain a sustainable development. Thus, gender sensitization in resource ownership and management needs a critical assessment and advancement by way of reshaping or redefining cultural norms, societal expression, and patriarchal idea of marginalization, etc. to achieve greater, if not complete sustainable development.
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| 20 |
ID:
137152
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| Summary/Abstract |
Within the debate on climate change and human rights, the field of culture, or cultural heritage in particular, plays a marginal role. At first glance, this seems reasonable, given the range of more concrete challenges people face in the context of climate change. However, the protection of cultural heritage is an important goal in its own right, even against the backdrop of other seemingly more pressing tasks. A human-rights-based approach to the debate on cultural heritage and climate change, it is argued, reinforces the international community's obligations to take necessary mitigation activities. Cultural rights and the corresponding duties, especially those under Article 15(1)(a) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, have the potential to provide an effective additional normative basis for the protection of cultural heritage from the adverse consequences of climate change.
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