|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
135183
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Traditional monitoring of arms control treaties, agreements, and commitments has required the use of National Technical Means (NTM)—large satellites, phased array radars, and other technological solutions. NTM was a good solution when the treaties focused on large items for observation, such as missile silos or nuclear test facilities. As the targets of interest have shrunk by orders of magnitude, the need for other, more ubiquitous, sensor capabilities has increased. The rise in web-based, or cloud-based, analytic capabilities will have a significant influence on the future of arms control monitoring and the role of citizen involvement.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
136500
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
For much of the last century, the United States led the world in technological innovation—a position it owed in part to well-designed procurement programs at the Defense Department and NASA. During the 1940s, for example, the Pentagon FUNDED the construction of the first general-purpose computer, designed initially to calculate artillery-firing tables for the U.S. Army. Two decades later, it developed the data communications network known as the ARPANET, a precursor to the Internet. Yet not since the 1980s have government contracts helped generate any major new technologies, despite large increases in funding for defense-related R & D. One major culprit was a shift to procurement efforts that benefit traditional defense contractors while shutting out start-ups.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
135407
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Putin has made it clear that the internet is a CIA project, and Russia’s most popular search engine a western plot.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
135556
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It’s been touted as a revolutionary platform for expressions, but does twitter literature really have future?
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
135904
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article presents a brief characterization of the transformational consequences of the Arab Spring for global policy frameworks and democracy promotion efforts regarding Internet infrastructure. To do so, we begin with unpacking the battle that took place in Dubai in December 2012 at the World Conference on International Telecommunications (WCIT-12) between competing state powers, technology policy regimes, and civil society activists jockeying on the global stage to promote Internet freedom. Particular emphasis is placed on the discourses and controversies carried over from the Arab Spring surrounding Internet freedom as democracy promotion, including the growing importance of transnationally-organized and tech-savvy civil society activists who have joined these opaque policy debates. The next section focuses on highlighting the new practices and ideologies of this particularly novel “community of practice” comprising transnational tech-savvy activists who have joined the Internet freedom proto-regime. The final discussion elucidates the policy innovations and frameworks born from the interactions of this diverse stakeholder network since the Arab Spring, and contrasts them with those of the state and private sector stakeholders who traditionally hold sway in shaping information infrastructure policies. We conclude by outlining the opportunities and challenges facing these policy entrepreneurs and the democratic interests of global Internet users.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
135121
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese Internet company Baidu recently debuted Busca, a Portuguese version of its search engine localized for Brazilian users. Though, as China’s state news agency Xinhua pointed out, this was not Baidu’s first foray into overseas markets, it was the first time China’s top leader was personally on hand to support the launch. As Chinese President Xi Jinping and Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff jointly pressed a button initiating the service, it appeared China had taken another step in leveraging its fast-growing technology companies to enhance its global soft power—something Xi’s predecessor, Hu Jintao, had declared a key national objective.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
134727
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
New technologies in communications and networking have shaped the way political movements can be mobilised and coordinated in important ways. Recent uprisings have shown dramatically how a people can communicate its cause effectively beyond borders, through online social networking channels and mobile phone technologies. Hannah Arendt, as an eminent scholar of power and politics in the modern era, offers a relevant lens with which to theoretically examine the implications and uses of online social networks and their impact on politics as praxis. This article creates an account of how Arendt might have evaluated virtual social networks in the context of their potency to create power, spaces and possibilities for political action. With an Arendtian lens the article examines whether these virtual means of ‘shared appearances’ facilitate or frustrate efforts in the formation of political power and the creation of new beginnings. Based on a contemporary reading of her writings, the article concludes that Arendt’s own assessment of online social networks, as spheres for political action, would likely have been very critical.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
136018
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The commercialisation of the internet has provided new criminal opportunities for trafficking in human beings. This paper examines how internet usage is affecting the methods used by offenders and their interactions with victims and clients.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
135124
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In 2006, when the Pirate Party was launched in Sweden, Amelia Andersdotter was 18 years old. The movement, launched on a platform of reform for European laws regulating copyrights and patents, quickly adopted a broader mandate as it swept across Europe—supporting the individual’s right to privacy, both on the Internet and in everyday transactions, as well as government transparency in its interactions with its citizens. Five years later, Andersdotter took her seat as the youngest member of the European Parliament, her party having catapulted past the Green Party to become the third largest in Sweden by membership. Giving up her studies of mathematics, physics, Spanish, and law, she left university to take her seat in Brussels, where she focused her attention on information policy. A bitter opponent of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement, she was largely responsible for its parliamentary downfall. However, this past Spring, Andersdotter lost her parliamentary seat. She has since turned her attention to the role that social media and Internet freedom can play in individual lives, which she discussed with World Policy Journal editor David A. Andelman and managing editor Yaffa Fredrick.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
136432
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on potential influences of internet use and development on China’s legal system and legal reforms. It examines this issue in both directions: how the Chinese government has been utilising the internet as a tool to strengthen its legal system and fulfil its reform goals, and how the public has responded in both responsive and proactive ways in an interactive and inter-evolving process. While the responsive public participation is answering initiatives from the government in nature, the proactive public participation is self-initiated. In recent years, it is the latter that has carried the greater weight in China’s internet politics. The Chinese government of the future may face challenges as it grapples with the question of how to simultaneously maintain information control while utilising internet technology as a tool to further its reforms.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
135906
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
If there are two things that unite the stunningly diverse movements of the last five years, it is their reliance on new digital media and their determination to enact, as well as bring about, more participatory forms of democracy. In this paper, I look at these developments separately and together. Why has enthusiasm for consensus-based decision making and leaderless organizations that were seemingly abandoned by the 1970s gained new life? How has that enthusiasm come to be shared by the right and left, by Tea Party members alongside Occupy activists? Without diminishing the importance of economic crises and policymakers’ responses to those crises in shaping the movements of the last five years, I call attention to developments both outside and within movements that have made ours into a participatory age. Among those developments, the rise of the Internet has not only made protests easier to organize, it has also produced new understandings of equality, organization, and democracy. Yet the contemporary zeal for participation has also created new challenges for activists. Among these is the challenge to make participatory democracy attractive to people who do not have a deep ideological commitment to it.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
136347
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
National constitutions are supposed to enshrine fundamental rights for everyone — and for generations. Such documents are also products of moments in time and reflect perceptions of life in those moments. That’s why the best of them, like the U.S. Constitution, contain the seeds of their own reinvention. Indeed, the secret to a sustainable constitution is that it both captures what is enduring and anticipates the need to change.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
136724
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
DURING THE past few years, if you were one of the many people trawling the dating website OkCupid in search of love, you might have received a notice letting you know it had found someone who was an “exceptionally good” match for you. You might have contacted this match and even gone on dates with this person, comfortable in the knowledge that a sophisticated algorithm had done the difficult work of sorting through millions of profiles to find someone with just the right balance of appealing quirks and concupiscent charms to match your own delightful attributes.
Rosen, Christine
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|