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| 1 |
ID:
134765
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| Summary/Abstract |
Population ageing is one of the most pressing problems around the world, especially in the context of urbanisation and industrialisation. In China, the issue of aged care is particularly complex as the state’s “one child” policy, increased life expectancy, the weakened role of family care and the limitation of formal care provision all interact with one another, thereby exacerbating the problem. This article analyses the challenges of the Chinese traditional care pattern for the elderly, examines the development of long-term care provisions and then discusses the further development of elderly care models in urban China.
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| 2 |
ID:
134760
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| Summary/Abstract |
The implementation of a free trade area between China and ASEAN has enhanced economic links between them. In spite of this, China’s Southeast Asian neighbours still have strong strategic misgivings about the country’s growth in wealth and power. China’s energy rise, in the form of surging demands and an expanding presence, has added a new ingredient in Sino-Southeast Asian relations. From the combined perspectives of both economic mercantilism and economic liberalism, this article analyses the implications of China’s energy rise on its Southeast Asian neighbours, and the doubts and debates that surround them. Such impacts arguably are mixed, and the more important aspect of such impacts arises not from China’s surging demand per se, but rather from the policies it created to deal with it.
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| 3 |
ID:
134763
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China’s Asian policy has changed significantly since the global financial crisis. Yet the argument here is that in essence, it has not changed. China’s ambition, as first articulated by Mao Zedong, was and has remained to achieve national greatness. Over time, the goal itself has become more focused on China’s own national interests and less on transforming the international order. The means to this end have always been flexible, depending on China’s growth in capabilities and on the opportunities offered by the international environment. In the first decades of the 21st century, China perceived a strategic opportunity to achieve major advances towards achieving this goal, focusing on its immediate regional environment. To do so, it has devised tactics shrewdly designed to do so without precipitating a confrontation with the United States or impinging on its core interests. This “new course” in Chinese foreign policy, addressed primarily to the Asian neighbourhood, was confirmed with mostly cosmetic adjustments in the 2012–13 transition to the fifth generation of the Communist Party of China (CCP) leadership and seems likely to remain in effect for the foreseeable future. The implications of this new Asia policy have already achieved modest success and more importantly no convincing defence has yet been devised.
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| 4 |
ID:
134759
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The rise of China has important implications for the regional order in East Asia. Such implications are not limited to material calculations, such as the size of China’s economy and its military expenditure, but also include an ideational dimension. This article examines the rise of China from the perspective of the recent development of Chinese international relations (IR) theory. Rather than being a purely academic pursuit of theoretical pluralism in the discipline, the development of IR theory in China is also a political practice seeking to address the important problem of China’s rise; that is, the threat perception of a rising power informed by rationalist IR theory. Drawing upon traditional Chinese political thought, Chinese IR scholars have engaged to debate the possibility of a benevolent power within a hierarchical international order, similar to Asia’s historic tribute system. Nevertheless, such a proposal faces limitations, at both the theoretical and practical levels, that cast doubt on the efficacy of (re)creating Asia’s future in the image of its past.
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| 5 |
ID:
134767
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As a research institute based in Singapore, the EAI monitors developments in relations and interactions between China and the individual countries of Southeast Asia as well as the ASEAN grouping as a whole. This material is presented in the form of (1) a chronology of events and (2) important documents.
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| 6 |
ID:
134761
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| Summary/Abstract |
The rapid establishment of Confucius Institutes all over the world has raised a question of doubt about the motivation of China. From the perspective of China, the institutes can help to promote Chinese language and culture, and project a positive image of China as a benign country. However, other countries may wonder how far China would like to exert its soft power and cultural influence on the rest of the world. This article aims to examine multiple reactions and interactions related to this issue. To understand views from different perspectives, a survey of academics, researchers and Confucius Institute administrators was conducted and diverse views were found. Accordingly, the development of mutual trust associated with the phenomenon appears to be at an early stage, and the impact of Confucius Institutes on their host countries is not yet fully apparent.
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| 7 |
ID:
134762
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China’s engagement in Africa is an increasingly popular topic in the 21st century. However, not much attention has been paid in the field of education and little evidence can be seen in what actually happens on the ground. This article aims to explore China’s educational aid to Africa, from both textual and fieldwork sources. It will focus on three parts: first, the existing recognition of Chinese distinctions in foreign aid and China’s donor logic based on “win-win” strategies; second, an argument that China’s donor logic in educational aid might be informed by producing soft power through “public diplomacy”; third, a discussion of people’s perception collected in Tanzania, including voices from officials and returning African students. The article will take China’s main educational approach, the Government Scholarship Scheme as an example, and look at how this educational practice has been processed in a “diplomatic” way. It is concluded that China’s educational aid and its features in practice, based upon diplomatic policies and China’s distinctive donor logic of foreign aid, is serving bilateral relations rather than orthodox aid relations. If quality transformation and communication can be maintained in the Chinese universities, education would contribute to a lasting and cooperative relationship between China and Africa. It may add more complexities to “soft power” within broader conceptions under the contemporary global political economy.
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| 8 |
ID:
134757
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| Summary/Abstract |
The discourse on China’s rise and its implications for the world has attracted wide international interest and equally intense scholarly debates. While earlier studies predominantly focused on big-power relations, the “China threat” theory, military expansion and collective containment, another body of literature has grown in recent years that broaches new topics, such as soft power, public diplomacy, and new tides of emigration and their impacts on the realisation of China’s strategic ambitions. The proliferation of disciplinary approaches and focal points involved in these debates is reminiscent of the multifaceted dimensions of China’s rise, a prominent global phenomenon that has far greater implications than the country’s deeper involvement in global governance, the worrisome increase in its defence budget, or its rapid economic expansion.
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| 9 |
ID:
134766
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s contemporary leadership does not have a “grand strategy” for the 21st century and it is unlikely that the new leaders, who came into power in 2012–13, will be able to craft one. This is a viewpoint that goes against the established truth about China’s comeback as a great power in the international arena. China observers concur and to some extent admire the Chinese leadership’s ability to think long term and commitment to patiently work towards the realisation of a grand vision for the “Middle Kingdom”. There is, undoubtedly, a great deal of strategic thinking going on in China, but it has not been translated into any coherent strategy. Today’s Chinese leaders are pragmatists, seeing and seizing every opportunity that arises without a binding plan. They are also introverted, however, and forced to engage in short-term fire-fighting rather than think long term.
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| 10 |
ID:
134758
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China has a complex relationship with its neighbours. With its increasing power, past problems have resurfaced, which will strain relationships between China and its neighbours. As its rise disturbs the balance of power within the region, Japan, South Korea and other regional powers will bear mixed feelings towards its growing regional influence. Despite China’s emphasis on a “peaceful rise”, the international system is always interpreted as a zero-sum game. From this perspective, China’s increasing influence in East Asia comes at the expense of other powers, as this article explains. By exploring both old and new problems between China and its East Asian neighbours, this article analyses the difficulties that China’s rise and other controversial issues in the region present.
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| 11 |
ID:
134764
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| Summary/Abstract |
So far, most studies of the relationship between migration and development in rural China pay attention to rural-urban migration. As a consequence, less is known about international labour migration and access to it by sending communities. This phenomenon has two aspects: international chain migration via social networks, which happen mainly along coastal areas; and international contract labour migration from the poor areas of inland China. The research reported in this article examines the latter, exploring how the rural poor gain access to opportunities, what they cost and what their perceived benefits are.
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