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| 1 |
ID:
134778
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| Summary/Abstract |
With its automobile exports measured in millions of units annually, Turkey has become one of the top automobile producing nations in Europe. The current state of the Turkish motor vehicle industry stands in contrast to its modest origins, which can be traced back to the early years of the Cold War. In the 1950s, a private company ventured into the business of assembling Willy's Jeeps in Turkey. The early developmental trajectory of the Turkish automobile manufacturing resembled the experiences of many other countries that resorted to import substitution to reduce foreign currency dependency for automobile imports. However, it differed significantly from others in two ways. First, it was not undertaken in response to a coordinated government policy, but rather as a one-off private initiative. Second, it was justified in the context of the Cold War military and strategic requirements. In other words, it stands out among its contemporaries in terms of the prominence of military and defense considerations that shaped US and Turkish military views on a private venture during the Cold War. Although the Jeep assembly experience in Turkey ended in failure, its products had remained in service in the Turkish Army for nearly 50 years, surviving the Cold War and beyond. The experience also left its deep imprint on Turkey's pursuit of an indigenously designed and manufactured automobile.
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| 2 |
ID:
134773
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkey, similar to its counterparts in emerging markets, has been aiming to reduce irregular migration effectively and comprehensively with various sets of policies since the 1990s. However, the number of undocumented migrants continues to increase and unregistered foreign employment is as high as ever. This study aims to explain the reasons underlying this conundrum by focusing on the nature of the policies adopted and the characteristics of the target population relying on data collected on a sample of unregistered foreign workers in the textile sector in Istanbul. It argues that the reasons for the limited effectiveness of the policies is attributable to structural factors such as inherent problems with the existing policies for regulating irregular migration and preferences as well as the behavior of the unregistered foreign workers and their employers.
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| 3 |
ID:
134770
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article evaluates foreign policy change under the Justice and Development Party (JDP). After examining the concept of change in foreign policy analysis and in the literature on Turkish foreign policy, the article offers an approach to visa regimes as significant indicators of change in foreign policy. It first provides a qualitative analysis of Turkish visa policies in comparison to those of the European Union (EU) and shows that, after a brief period of convergence, Turkish visa policies have increasingly diverged from the EU. Subsequently, by way of analyzing the incoming mobility of foreign nationals, first the JDP era is compared to its predecessors. Then, two distinct eras within JDP's period of rule are identified and compared. It concludes that, while there are differences between the JDP and the previous eras, the most significant change occurs between the first and second JDP governments.
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| 4 |
ID:
134775
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| Summary/Abstract |
The most significant gap within the current discourse of Turkish model and democratization in post-revolutionary Middle East and North Africa region is that limited works have attempted to approach the concept from the perspective of local actors in the region. This study analyzes the perception of the Turkish model by using data acquired through interviews with policy-makers and influential actors in Tunisian society. It will be shown that the ideological division of Tunisian society into two camps, secularists and Islamists, has shaped the perceptions of the Turkish model in the country. It will be argued that despite their differences, the model can appeal to both secularists and conservatives in terms of its post-ideological nature that endorses the concept of “civil state” which is supported by both political groups.
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| 5 |
ID:
134776
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates the relevance of the presence of a “culture of migration” and related migration feedback mechanisms for explaining migration aspirations. This study focuses on the districts of Dinar and Emirdağ in Turkey—which have a distinct migration history toward Europe. The question is raised whether and how migration aspirations of potential migrants change according to the presence of a “culture of migration”—living in a migration-impacted region or not. This study relies on data collected in these two regions on the basis of a representative survey and in-depth interviews collected in the context of the EUMAGINE project (2010–13). Migration aspirations in a region characterized by a “culture of migration”—Emirdağ—prove to be significantly lower than that in a similar socioeconomic region, but with no “culture of migration”—Dinar. Perceptions of the economic opportunities in Europe and of the working and living conditions of immigrants in Europe are more negative in the migration-impacted region of Emirdağ than in Dinar. It is interesting to note that the population in Emirdağ has still a similar (positive) vision on the democratic and human rights capital in Europe, as the population in Dinar.
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| 6 |
ID:
134768
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent democratic performance of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) indicates the dissolution of its original liberal ambiguity in ways that hinder the possibilities of a full-fledged democracy in Turkey. This study finds the explanation in the perpetuation of a specifically Turkish paradigm of democracy/democratization, which has emerged in the early years of the Turkish experiment with democracy and has been reproduced by the Turkish political class ever since. In doing so, the article draws attention to the predominance of a defective conceptualization of democracy, which, while emphasizing the elected government's supremacy over the tutelary state elite, fails to come to terms with the inevitability of political disagreement and the normative imperative of seeking consensus for a positive-sum politics.
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| 7 |
ID:
134769
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to explore the problems of democratic governance of the defense and security sectors in Turkey. In recent years, to democratize its civil–military relations, Turkey has successfully dealt with the first-generation problems of making institutional reforms to eliminate the military's intervention in politics. Democratic civil–military relations, however, cannot be achieved only by getting the military out of politics, but also require the elimination of second-generation problems concerning the democratic governance of the defense and security sectors. In this respect, Turkey faces significant challenges related to its ineffective defense policy-making structures, insufficient parliamentary oversight of the defense and security sectors and civil society's very low level of participation in defense and security debates. Turkey needs to make reforms in these problematic areas in order to democratize its civil–military relations.
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| 8 |
ID:
134774
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| Summary/Abstract |
The fading credibility of Turkey's European Union (EU) membership perspective has undermined the conditionality strategy of the EU. However, outside of the formal setting of the accession talks, twinning projects are considered as a tool to keep Europeanization processes on track. Based on the principle of partnership, these projects aim to induce domestic change via social learning. However, this case study of a twinning project concerning the training of the Turkish National Police reveals interaction characterized by strategic rather than social learning. This was due to the dominance of personal/organizational interests and the negative effects of Turkey's uncertain accession prospects. This suggests that, in the absence of a credible membership perspective, the aim of using twinning as a tool for fostering change via persuasion and socialization may be overambitious.
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| 9 |
ID:
134771
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| 10 |
ID:
134772
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to account for the prolonged inability of the Republican People's Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, CHP) to be considered as a credible alternative to the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). Accounting for this is relevant from two perspectives: the emergence of a dominant party system during the AKP decade, and the increased rhetoric and public discourse stressing the “lack of [credible] opposition parties” in the party spectrum. The article attributes the CHP's electoral malaise to a mixture structural and leadership problems specific to the party organization. This argument, however, is placed against the backdrop of the dominant distributive position that the incumbent occupies in Turkey's political arena. The AKP's domination of both national and local government, typified by a service-oriented governing style, serves to undermine not just the CHP's chances of success, but virtually all opposition parties.
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