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ID:
135345
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is widely recognised that the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ fluctuated following the Second World War. A “Persistent rivalry” was especially evident in policy towards the Middle East and its oil. Immediately after the war, the American attitude to Palestine seemed to complicate British policy. Events in Iran also reflected the clash between the British imperative to protect its national and imperial interests in the region on the one hand, and the American preoccupation with the Cold War and containment on the other. The subsequent differences over Egypt/ Nasser are a matter of public record as are the problems which arose over the British withdrawal from “East of Suez”. Perhaps the very closeness of the relationship between the UK and the US served to heighten expectations.
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| 2 |
ID:
135346
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author considers the validity of the widespread assumptions that Asia is on the path to unending growth and success and that the 21st century, will be Asia's century. In fact this success is relatively recent and restricted to a handful of countries rather than applying to Asia as a whole. For the future the main determinants of Asia's continuing prosperity will be thorough and far-reaching economic restructuring, improved governance, operating in a way which enables change rather than stifles it and the preservation of that peace and stability in the region which has been the single most important factor in Asia's renaissance hitherto. Continuing US involvement will be required. That said, there are reasonable grounds for confidence in the abilities of Asia and the Asians.
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| 3 |
ID:
135350
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The Lawrence medal in question was purchased some thirty years ago in New Zealand and the obverse side had clearly been filed down. Relatively few Lawrence medals were ever struck, but extensive research has not yet revealed the identity of the original recipient of a medal now safely back with the Society
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| 4 |
ID:
135347
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This paper is an attempt to analyse the contentious role of drone strikes in the context of the options available in the on-going fight against terrorism in Afghanistan and the Af-Pak region. There are significant legal issues here, both in terms of human rights and in terms of state sovereignty and independence, though there are those who argue that the concept of a “just war” provides adequate justification. Pragmatists focus on effectiveness. In Afghanistan and Pakistan, there are many individuals who lend their support to the drone attacks because they see no other alternative(s), given that the prospects for dialogue seems so unpromising. But however many jihadist leaders are killed, in drone strikes, other effective counter-insurgency action may provide a better option.
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| 5 |
ID:
135342
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| Summary/Abstract |
We need to remember that we went into Afghanistan to eject Al Qaeda, not to improve women's rights. But the very success of our mission left us with responsibilities. Much has been achieved in health, in education, in creating a tax base and in governance-the recent elections were a conspicuous success, largely ignored by the media. But many problems remain, not least corruption. And there is the ongoing struggle with the Taliban Now, after more than ten years of engagement, NATO combat troops will withdraw at the end of 2014. This does not mean the Afghans will be abandoned. There will still be high levels of support for training and logistics. But what will happen? On the evidence so far, the Afghan Forces are likely to be able to prevent the Taliban taking over as long as the international community continues to pay the multi-billion dollar bill to sustain them. There are some grounds for thinking that a negotiated settlement with the Taliban is not impossible, partly because over the last decade, much has changed in Afghanistan. But It is still a poor country, not (yet) a liberal western democracy. One prophecy can be made with some certainty: if we do not continue to provide support, especially financial support, the result will be a rapid reversion to instability and conflict.
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| 6 |
ID:
135349
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| Summary/Abstract |
The China/North Korea border has always been somewhat porous. Since the se-vere famines in the 1990s, the flow of migrants has tended to be towards China with a primarily illegal population of North Koreans seeking work, political freedom or simply essential supplies. Children from North Korea in China have a particularly precarious status. Either they are illegal immigrants themselves or they have mothers who are illegal immigrants. But, when interviewed, they did not repeat the stories of famine, endemic shortage and desperation which are so common in media reportage. Instead they spoke of a desire for a better life, with more opportunity, security and flexibility. It seems that the social, political and economic realities of the DPRK are changing rather faster than the dis-course which surrounds the country.
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| 7 |
ID:
135348
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| Summary/Abstract |
The events of the so-called Arab Spring reconnected the young and their culture with images of organized political activism and resulted in huge political resonance. So this may be an appropriate point at which to reconsider the relevance of youth culture politics in the now-gone Soviet Union. The article explores the connections between cultural consumption by the young, ideology, and political ambivalence during Soviet times and considers how the Soviet genre of youth culture politics is being reproduced and continued in an extended form in the post-Soviet setting, specifically in Uzbekistan.
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| 8 |
ID:
135343
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| Summary/Abstract |
The election of the first government of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002 was a turning point for Turkey. People wanted change. That's what the AKP offered. Their successful economic management has seen Turkey transformed over the last 12 years. Foreign policy initiatives also prospered and relations with a number of neighbours improved.. More recent events have led some commentators to ask whether Turkey is moving forwards or backwards on the democratic path. There are concerns that the Ataturk legacy of a secular state is being slowly eroded by the forces of a conservative democracy and that too much power is now concentrated in the hands of Mr Erdogan. This is the background to the 2013 riots in (westernised) Istanbul. And the situation in the region leaves little room for optimism. The challenge now is to promote the political stability and predictability that will encourage continuing foreign and domestic investment in Turkey and to undertake the further structural reforms essential if Turkey is to rise out of the middle income trap and climb into the group of wealthier nations
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