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| 1 |
ID:
105922
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
To understand the politics of recognition, one must conceive of it as a politics of representation. Like representation, recognition proceeds at once in a constative and a performative mode, whereby they bring into being what is simultaneously represented or recognized. This structure has paradoxical implications. The politics of recognition is also a politics of representation in the sense that it always involves questions such as, Which representations are recognized? Whose representations are they? The reverse is also true: the politics of representation involves recognition because representatives and representations must be recognized in order to gain authority. In short, we can examine recognition as representation, and there is no recognition without representation, and vice versa. This is demonstrated through a reading of a recent British legal case, Begum, where the issue at stake concerned which representation of Islam should form the basis for the recognition of Islam in the school uniform policy.
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| 2 |
ID:
144902
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| Summary/Abstract |
For many, Islamic hip-hop is a contradiction. Yet many prominent rappers in Senegal have joined the Fayḍa Tijāniyya Sufi movement and communicate religious messages through their music. Rappers have contributed significantly to the Fayḍa’s rising popularity among Dakar’s youth, popularizing the Fayḍa’s esoteric teachings through their lyrics. Although many Muslims reject hip-hop as un-Islamic, the mainstream of Fayḍa adherents and its learned leaders have embraced rappers as legitimate spokespeople for the movement. Scholars discussing change and debate in Islam have often emphasized discursive argumentation that refers to foundational texts, or “sharī c a reasoning.” This article examines four other modes of religious reasoning and demonstration that Fayḍa rappers use in addition to sharī c a reasoning to present themselves as legitimate representatives of Islam: (1) truths that transcend texts and discursive reasoning; (2) the greater good, which may apparently contravene some prescription; (3) divine inspiration and sanction, for example through dreams and mystical experiences that reveal a rapper’s mission and message; (4) and “performative apologetics,” or a demonstration of exemplary piety and knowledge such that a potentially controversial practice can be reconciled with one’s religious persona. The article focuses particularly on the case of the rapper Tarek Barham. As productive as Talal Asad’s widely accepted conceptualization of Islam as a “discursive tradition” has been, this article proposes understanding Islamic truth, authority, and experience as founded not just in discourse—especially in reference to foundational texts—but in multiple complementary principles of knowing and demonstrating.
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| 3 |
ID:
077140
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) is a Central Asian terrorist organization that has carried out series of attacks in countries like Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan for years. With the ultimate goal of creating a Central Asian Caliphate, the IMU, even in its current weak state, is a regional threat. A military solution to this problem appears to be the likely answer. Regional powers like the Russian Federation and China should be militarily involved in Uzbekistan, along with Uzbek and neighboring forces in order to defeat the IMU militarily. This will promote greater integration among these countries and eliminate a violent organization which could become a destabilizing factor if not dealt with.
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| 4 |
ID:
105308
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This is a review of a recently published book on Salafiyya in Morocco. The author of the book, Abdelhakim Aboullouz, has conducted a socio-anthropological research on two Salafi movements in Marrakech. With my background knowledge of the topic, I have tried to read Aboullouz's book with a critical perspective: can Salafiyya be defined by only two movements? How far has Aboullouz been loyal to his socio-anthropological approach?
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| 5 |
ID:
154705
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to determine the correlates of Lebanese Muslims perceptions of the Islamic State (ISIS) which are measured using the hypotheses that commitment to political Islam, young age, education and occupational status would predict approval of ISIS. In view of the accentuated polarisation between Sunnis and Shiis along sectarian lines, it is proposed that dislike for the Shiis would enhance the level of support for ISIS. The study was based on a cross-sectional survey Lebanese Muslims (N = 302) administered during the fall of 2015.The suggestion is that adherence to the tenets of political Islam, sectarianism and educational attainment are major predictors of endorsement for ISIS.
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| 6 |
ID:
022894
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| Publication |
Nov 2002.
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| Description |
377-381
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| 7 |
ID:
064202
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| Publication |
London, VERSO, 2005.
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| Description |
xii, 211p
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| Standard Number |
1844670317
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
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| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 049798 | 909.83/BOA 049798 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
088372
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay provides an interpretation of Sayyid Jam l ad-D n al-Afgh n , a controversial figure in nineteenth-century Islamic political thought. One aspect of this controversy is the tension between "Refutation of the Materialists," Afgh n 's well-known defense of religious orthodoxy, and a short newspaper article entitled "Reply to Renan" that dismisses prophetic religion as dogmatic and intellectually stifling. In this essay I argue that close attention to Afgh n 's theory of civilization helps resolve this apparent contradiction. Afgh n 's interest in Ibn Khald n and the French historian Guizot is well known, but has not been fully explored in the literature. I suggest that understanding Guizot's distinctive approach to the concept of civilization illuminates Afgh n 's writings on the political utility of religion. Afgh n was an ardent anti-imperialist and his goal was to encourage reform in Islamic countries while resisting Western hegemony. He concluded that the tension between prophetic religion and critical thought could help Islamic civilization to flourish.
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| 9 |
ID:
025307
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| Publication |
New Jersey, D.Van Nostrand Company,Inc, 1963.
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| Description |
ix, 262p.pbk
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| Series |
Asia Library
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 021349 | 958.104/WAT 021349 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
179341
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is about the interplay of defining characteristics in Afghanistan that led to the fall of King Amanullah in 1929. Previously, this has been done by looking at the reforms, tribal society and the ulema, the community of scholars, but the prism through which we examine Amanullah's downfall is Mahmud Tarzi's grouping together of ‘Din, Daulat, Watan, Millat' (Religion, State, Homeland (or Fatherland), Nation). The ideals informing this grouping, as well as the concepts themselves, were key factors underpinning Amanullah’s reform agenda. Where Tarzi wrote of these factors as integrative and functioning together, a perspective taken uncritically by many commentators, we argue here that, as concepts in governance intended to unify the country, they acted as the exact opposite; that they sparked off each other, contradicted each other, and undermined each other in the context of the period. Understanding this explains much of the fragmentation Afghanistan suffered in the 1920s and suggests a structural process of causation for the fall of Amanullah.
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| 11 |
ID:
140162
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| Publication |
DelhI, Ajanta Publications, 1984.
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| Description |
viii, 314p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 024970 | 958.1/GOY 024970 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
122392
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
On 7 October 2001, the Bush administration launched Operation Enduring
Freedom (OEF) to dislodge al Qaeda forces, neutralize the Taliban in
Afghanistan, and decapitate their respective leadership. President Bush insisted
that the United States was not at war with the Afghan people or with Islam,
and the Afghan civilian population was not identified as the enemy. Therefore,
the Pentagon attempted to minimize civilian casualties. OEF toppled the
Taliban regime, but did not eliminate the Taliban influence in Afghanistan. The
Taliban, although expelled from power, still preserved connections with the
rural Pashtun.
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| 13 |
ID:
015988
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| Publication |
Spring 1993.
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| Description |
103-158
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| 14 |
ID:
046501
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| Publication |
Oxford, Blackwell Publishers, 2002.
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| Description |
x, 382p.hbk
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| Series |
Peoples of Asia
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| Standard Number |
0631198415
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045331 | 958.1/VOG 045331 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
045523
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| Publication |
London, Anthony Blond, 1970.
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| Description |
232p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005752 | 960/MIT 005752 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
080402
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| 17 |
ID:
193294
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| Summary/Abstract |
This afterword critically engages with the introduction and five essays of this special section on Muslim caste associations, illuminating their distinctive contributions and posing questions toward the further development of a collective research agenda.
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| 18 |
ID:
157939
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the fall of Suharto in 1998, Indonesian public discourse about “mainstream” Muslim identity and practice has polarized sharply into various factions. This article offers a detailed analysis of a subset of this discourse that focuses on the Ahmadiyya in order to grasp how the new normative contours of Islam are being shaped in Indonesia. I make three arguments: First, the discourse is homogenizing what was once a wide spectrum of identitarian positions, and that consequently, Islamic diversity in Indonesia is shrinking. Second, the various internally homogenized sets of arguments for and against the Ahmadiyya mis-engage with each other in a way that produces social fragmentation and further polarization. Third, these arguments produce exclusionary mechanisms that reinforce each other. Both the opponents of the Ahmadiyya and their defenders exclude Ahmadis from conceptions of an Indonesian “majority.” This dynamic in Indonesian public discourse has resulted in the acceleration of the marginalization of the Ahmadiyya within an increasingly fragmented Indonesian society.
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| 19 |
ID:
027608
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| Publication |
DelhI, Manohar Book Service, 1974.
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| Description |
xii, 220p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 013655 | 954.03/LAV 013655 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
027609
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| Publication |
DelhI, Manohar Book Service, 1974.
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| Description |
xii, 220p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 013086 | 954.03/LAV 013086 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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