|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
103973
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Fertility decline and a maturing age structure typically prove more indicative of future human development . . . than do shifts toward economic or political liberalization. Why should it be any different south of the Sahara?"
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
134094
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It has been assumed, since the end of the Cold War, that globalization is irreversible and that technologies, cultures, and markets are spreading, merging, and interacting at an ever quicker pace. This is certainly true. But what if, in addition to globalizing, the world is also splitting into separate and antagonistic sub-worlds? Two of them in particular, which ironically came into existence and have been growing as free riders in the Western-shaped universe, now pose a threat to the West.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
175503
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the mechanisms which drive the different political attitudes of Israel’s two major Jewish groups – the Ashkenazim and the Mizrahim – vis-à-vis the Israeli-Palestinian peace process in the 1990s. The study argues that the economic liberalization reforms of the 1980s along with the subsequent Israel’s integration with the global economy are key drivers of the two groups’ opposing attitudes vis-à-vis the peace process. These processes benefited mainly the business classes, who are dominated by the Ashkenazim (originating from Europe). It was such benefit that drove Ashkenazim’s support for the Oslo Accords in the 1990s, which was seen as instrumental to the process of Israel’s integration with the global economy. Conversely, the same economic processes likely hurt lower-class members of Israeli Jewish society, most of whom are Mizrahim (originating from Muslim countries). In this context the settlements in the West Bank and Gaza provided them with an alternative source of welfare to buffer the negative impacts of the integration process. As a result most of the Mizrahim population opposed any peace deal that included the evacuation of settlements. Moreover, Mizrahim’s opposition to Oslo was strengthened by the association of Oslo with Israel’s global integration, which some evidence suggests mainly benefited the business classes.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
113249
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The accelerated pace of globalization in its many facets has benefited some and disadvantaged others. India's foreign policy adjusted well to changes in the external environment by establishing cordial and increasingly substantive relations with the economic dynamos of East Asia, including China, as well as the wealthy countries of the West, especially the United States. Full realization of national objectives is impeded, however, by serious socio-economic problems at home, inadequate staffing or coordination of national security institutions, and the continuing burden of Pakistan's enmity. India's contributions to global management in the years ahead are expected to rise with its capabilities and be welcomed by most other countries as well.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
128146
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The liberalization and the forces of globalization enhance the employment options, expansion of service sector and demand of skills across the borders. With this liberalization of the economy, a growing number of NRIs primarily from the United States and United Kingdom have also begun investing in their cultural homeland (Pulkit Datta: 2008). The aspiration of better lives and employment opportunities expanded the size of middle class abroad during 1990s, the terms "Non Resident Indian" emerged for the Indian who is living abroad. This is why; this period can be considered as the Golden Age of the NRI, which resulted the emerging middle class and the new material aspirations of an India in the midst of economic liberalization (Ingrid Thewath:2010).
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
129029
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The appointment of Christine Lagarde in 2011 to the leadership of the International Monetary Fund may have been a highlight for women's representation in international organizations, suggesting that the final glass ceiling for women in global governance has been broken. However, this article shows that leadership and representation by women in global governance continues to be curtailed by "glass walls" on the one hand, and flexible glass ceilings on the other. While women in UN agencies today stand on firmer floors, relying on a stronger institutional framework and increasing numbers of women working at all levels of the UN system, women are channeled into gender-specific portfolios, creating glass walls. Moreover, glass ceilings, once shattered, may indeed resettle as recent staff changes by Ban Ki-moon show. Thus, the picture of women's representation and gender equality in UN leadership is a mixed one.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
179257
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In common with other countries around the world, Brunei Darussalam has had to deal with the coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid19) pandemic and its consequences. By the end of 2020, Brunei had navigated the pandemic storm successfully by keeping its social compact intact, achieving a relatively buoyant economy, exhibiting a balanced foreign policy through strategic hedging, and keeping the country secure through defense diplomacy. Ending 2020 in great shape places Brunei in good stead for assuming the chairmanship of ASEAN and future royal succession.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
052071
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Jan 2004.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
India's economic reform program started in 1991, unleashing a process of decentralization and competitive race among its regional states. Yet the post-reform era in India is marked by both change and continuity in terms of center-state economic relations. Attention to the path and process of reform must attend to the reform legacies of the ancien regime and how they are transformed over time. I show that the pre-reform era was characterized not by an absence of competition, but by a different type of competition among states. A historical institutional framework shows that policy change in India transforms the existing balance of power, but does so shaped by the preexisting institutional context and preexisting linkages, resources, and skills. This approach, allows us to integrate an analysis of pre-1991 policy regime into evaluations of the post-1991 changes in a more cohesive, realistic, and yet nuanced manner.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
129642
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) in developed economies has increased substantially in recent years, driven by policy liberalization and structural adjustments in China's economy. Efforts to accurately describe the dimensions of this increase are complicated by problems with official statistics and the complexity of deal structures. This article introduces the major problems of capturing data on global cross-border investment flows and elaborates on the particular difficulties of measuring Chinese outward FDI. It identifies alternative datasets that can help to better capture the scope and patterns of the Chinese overseas investment and uses one of them to describe the growth of Chinese investment in the EU and the US since 2000, highlighting similarities and differences in investment patterns in the world's two biggest economies.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
167438
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
How does international pressure for economic liberalization affect repression in autocracies? I argue that demands for deregulation create a “compensation dynamic” that can lead to repression. Autocrats can liberalize to build goodwill with the international community, but liberalization also threatens the interests of domestic autocratic elites. Liberalization undercuts the networks of patronage and clientelism that empower elites. Thus, liberalizing the economy could weaken political insiders, potentially destabilizing the regime coalition. Insider elites look to counteract this threat by demanding that autocratic rulers commit to protecting the status quo. Dictators are likely to accede and increase repression to placate allies and avoid a potential coup. Crucially, this compensation dynamic only occurs when dictators see rebellion as a potential danger to their tenure. When elites are unable to coordinate a credible threat, dictators can heed international interests without having to compensate regime insiders. In contrast, statistical analyses of a global sample of autocracies show that economic liberalization is associated with repression when elites are strong enough to check dictators’ power.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
067328
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
065403
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Sep-Oct 2005.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Conventional wisdom has long assumed that economic liberalization undermines repressive regimes. Recent events, however, suggest that savvy autocrats have learned how to cut the cord between growth and freedom, enjoying the benefits of the former without the risks of the latter. Washington and international lenders should take note.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
128213
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Over two decades of liberalization and reforms have resulted in India becoming the second fastest growing economy in the world. Having the second largest population in the world, it is also a vast repository of skilled manpower. However, the significant growth in Indian economy has increased the demand for energy substantially. Consequently, India has to import 80 per cent of its petroleum crude requirement. In contrast to India, Kuwait is very small in size and population. But it is very rich in hydrocarbon resources. The economic cooperation between India and Kuwait is deep rooted. It consists of bilateral trade inclusive of energy imports, Indian expatriate workers in Kuwait and the inflow of remittances, Kuwaiti aid and prospective Kuwaiti investments. The article is a detailed study of all these aspects of economic cooperation between the two countries.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
116152
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
067338
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
067734
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, Kalpaz Publications, 2006.
|
| Description |
280p.
|
| Standard Number |
8178353091
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050703 | 338.954/KIM 050703 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
112543
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper analyses the commercial relationship between Mexico and China in the context of the liberalization policies enacted by both countries. The policies were developed in the framework of economic globalization and worldwide strategic military power, starting from the end of the Cold War. Against this backdrop, the paper analyses the current trade relations between China and Mexico. The text emphasizes the public policy of both countries, presenting similarities and asymmetries along with the results of their commercial policies and specific business practices.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
095027
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Previous studies that have explored the effects of economic liberalization on civil war have employed aggregate measures of openness and have failed to account for potential endogeneity bias. In this research note, we suggest two improvements to the study of the relationship between liberalization and civil war. First, emphasizing that it is processes that systematically create new economic winners and losers rather than particular levels of economic openness that have the potential to generate conflict, we consider the effects of one oft-used means of liberalizing economies: the adoption by countries of International Monetary Fund (IMF) structural adjustment programs. Second, we use a bivariate probit model to address issues of endogeneity bias. Analyzing all data available for the period between 1970 and 1999, we identify an association between the adoption of IMF programs and the onset of civil war. This finding suggests that IMF programs to promote economic openness unintentionally may be creating an environment conducive to domestic conflict.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
022312
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Sept 2002.
|
| Description |
307-330
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
116245
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Besides its principal purpose to plan for economic development, India's Planning Commission has also served as an influential integrative mechanism for the economy and nation, both spatially and socially. Despite economic liberalization, the state found the commission to be an eminently useful public policy instrument and has continued to retain it. The commission has proven to be a flexible and adaptable organization, receptive to new ideas. Since liberalization, its approach to planning has changed (a) from comprehensive planning to indicative planning; (b) from planning for state hegemony to adapting to private sector expansion; (c) from planning for a producer state to planning for a quasi-welfare state; and (d) from centralization to coordination in planning. Challenges abound, however. The commission's key role in economic integration both over the short and long run, particularly as a link between the center and states, nonetheless makes it worthy of strengthening, not weakening.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|