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| 1 |
ID:
135158
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| Summary/Abstract |
The subject contemporary relevance of Nehru is unfolded into five sections. First section introduces the subject by contextualising Nehru’s ideas in the contemporary scenario. Nehruvian ideological system and its utility in the age of globalisation constitute the body of this article. His nationalism, socialism and world view are located and discussed in the second, third and fourth sections, respectively. Nehru’s idea of composite culture, contested by cultural nationalism from the one end and ethno-nationalism from the other end of spectrum comprises the second section. The third section discusses the conception, consolidation, retreat and revival of Nehruvian model of economic development in the light of Washington Consensus and Post-Washington Consensus. His idea of socialism and the mixed economy are debated in liberal, neoliberal and post-neoliberal scenario. His world view faced rough weather during the second and third phase of India’s foreign policy. The former was set in motion after his death, whereas the latter started taking shape in the Post-Soviet world, which has acquired the hegemonic overtones. Contemporary significance of Nehru’s world view in the hegemonic world is probed in the fourth section. The last section sums up the discussion in the form of concluding observations.
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| 2 |
ID:
135156
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| Summary/Abstract |
Good governance—which includes accountability, transparency, an effective bureaucracy, regulatory quality, electoral competition, political checks and balances and rule of law—is considered the single most important factor in eradicating poverty and promoting development. The article discusses changes that have taken place in India with regard to governance reforms, focusing on reforms related to decentralisation. A review of available evidence does not provide any definitive conclusion about the effectiveness of decentralisation in facilitating democratic deepening and improving the responsiveness of government. In most cases, decentralisation has failed to bring popular participation and accountability to local government, thereby making it less responsive to citizens’ desires and less effective in delivering services. Appropriate institutions, rules and incentive mechanisms are needed to link the citizens with government. Capacity development of the citizens and conscious and combined efforts by government and non-government organisations could potentially improve both the governance system as well as public service delivery.
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| 3 |
ID:
135153
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article aims to investigate the impact of nominal devaluation on income distribution in Bangladesh both in short and long runs. In doing so, Auto Regressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) bounds testing has been employed for cointegration, and Error Correction Model (ECM) has been used for short-run dynamics. The empirical psychology has confirmed the existence of long-run relationship between the variables. Furthermore our estimated results reveal that nominal devaluation tends to decrease income inequality. Though economic growth appears to improve income distribution, non-linear link between both the variables, however, depicts Kuznets’ inverted-U curve (1955). Financial development causes further deterioration in income distribution. Trade openness contributes to income inequality as discussed in Leontief Paradox.
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| 4 |
ID:
135155
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| Summary/Abstract |
Countries afflicted by claims of territorial sovereignty within nation states have been predominantly preoccupied with sharing of administrative and political powers, as in the case of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka. This article argues that fiscal devolution has the potential to empower the regions within contested nation states and thereby contribute to conflict resolution in countries afflicted by internal strife and armed conflict, taking Sri Lanka as a case in point.
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| 5 |
ID:
135151
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| Summary/Abstract |
India, which is ‘ground zero’ for climate change, has decided to reduce its carbon intensity, yet an important element of environmental efficiency neglected by India’s climate plan is the very way India designs itself. India’s recent development has focused not on ‘cities’ but on ‘metropolitan regions’ that include suburbs and exurbs. Such low-density growth increases oil consumption for car usage while neglecting the high-density based informal economy that is a source of India’s economic vitality and sustainable innovation. One important contribution of this economy is a vast recycling industry in which discarded materials are reprocessed, reused and returned to the market, effectively saving carbon space. An important way forward would be to integrate the informal sector into planning, by encouraging medium-density growth enabled by comfortable and efficient mass transit, following northern European rather than American planning patterns. Since environmental shifts may be inevitable, pre-emptive political and resource management arrangements must play a central role in India’s climate change adaptation plan.
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| 6 |
ID:
135152
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| Summary/Abstract |
Emphasis on democracy in Indian and international perspectives on India’s foreign policy has grown over the past decade. Claiming that India is a ‘successful’ example of a non-Western liberal democracy, these perspectives prescribe a role for India in international democratisation efforts. The keener among these suggests that India must participate in Western-style, or Western initiatives of, democracy promotion. This article offers a critique of these prescriptions. Recent theorisations of India’s democratic practices argue that India is a predominantly non-liberal democracy. Drawing upon these theorisations, this article outlines the non-liberal features inherent in the practices of Indian democracy. It also outlines the democratic processes that restrain India’s foreign policy from acquiring an other-regarding orientation. Contesting the characterisations of India as a liberal democracy, this article questions the basis on which the calls for India to participate in liberal democracy promotion projects are made.
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| 7 |
ID:
135154
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite long historical ties, post-colonial relations between India and Myanmar have fluctuated between magnanimity and mistrust. While India often stood for high moral grounds and promotion of democracy, it did so at the cost of losing Myanmar to China. This affected both India and Myanmar adversely: while New Delhi’s economic, energy and security interests were hurt, isolated Yangon became more China-dependent. However, since the early 1990s, domestic developments in Myanmar and post-Cold War structural changes in the world order necessitated conditions for cooperation and mutual gains. It appears that blatant domestic suppression in, and international seclusion of, Myanmar is not desirable. Having witnessed two eras of magnanimity and mistrust, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Myanmar in 2012 heralds a prospective era of market interdependence while opening Pandora’s box: can India get a better share of Myanmar’s commercial possibilities without compromising its core interests in promoting democracy, development and diaspora protection?
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| 8 |
ID:
135157
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts an insight into the power of the powerless people which they employ for their survival where their lifeways have been threatened by the dominant cultures. Based on several ethnographic studies, it shows that the powerless people who do not take arms against the dominant cultures employ cultural resistance. In light of this view, the article focuses on the ethnographic work of the author, where the Toungsa Pahari, powerless indigenous people, employ several strategies for their survival. Juxtaposed with reluctant disposition, they employ cultural resistance in order to survive in the hard environment of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh, endangered by the outsiders (Bangali settlers).
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