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| 1 |
ID:
135988
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is a qualitative analysis of nation-state population “resiliency” to several spectacular and/or highly symbolic terrorist assaults that were watershed events. It draws heavily from qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) frameworks to isolate and identify the presence of what Goertz calls the “secondary dimensions” of a “primary concept” such as resiliency to terrorist assaults. In turn, the presence of those secondary dimensions and their strength presuppose and derive from “tertiary indicators” that are the basic metrics and concrete manifestations of those secondary dimensions. The nation-states under consideration include the London bombings of 2005, the United States for 9/11, the Madrid bombings of 2004, the first suicide bombings within pre-1967 boundaries of Israel, and the Russian Federation in the case of the 2002 terrorist assault against the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow. The results serve as the basis for the development of a “resiliency continuum” of nation-states where placement of those countries on the continuum reflect “nonresilient,” “semiresilient,” and “resilient” conditions, themselves defined by the number of secondary dimensions found in each case study. In the process, the analysis illuminates possible interconnections between “context specific” factors, such as a country’s historical experience with terrorism and population characteristics (e.g., education levels, degree of heterogeneity) to the resiliency or nonresiliency condition, and describes possible links between exogenous “systems factors” such as war and power ranking to the resiliency condition.
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| 2 |
ID:
135991
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| Summary/Abstract |
There are several theoretical frameworks proposed by a wide range of scholars to explicate and understand civil and military relations. Rebecca Schiff's concordance theory is one of the recent models in this theoretical tradition. She argues that the theory of separation of civil and military relations given by Huntington not only fails to give an adequate account of domestic military interventions in Pakistan but also attempts to impose the American model of civil and military relations on it. Given the problems and flaws of the separation model, she proposes the concordance theory in place of the separation model. Schiff claims that the concordance theory provides an appropriate model to explain and to avoid military intervention in Pakistan. She purports to demonstrate that a military coup takes place due to discordance among three partners on four indicators. This article will show through the case study of Pakistan that concordance theory fails on four accounts. First, Pakistan's military coup is not the consequence of discordance but concordance. Second, there are not three partners but two. Third, the notion of four indicators runs the risk of oversimplification. Fourth, concordance theory makes somewhat the same mistake committed by the separation model attempting to superimpose the American civil and military framework upon Pakistan. This article will demonstrate that concordance theory draws the civil and military relations upon two rival approaches: abstract theoretical and multicultural approach. By consequence it goes through the internal contradiction because of which it is fated to fail.
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| 3 |
ID:
135984
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| Summary/Abstract |
This AF&S Forum on National/Social Resilience includes four connected papers, each looking at the concept and its applications in different ways that are individually and collectively useful for a military leadership and practitioner audience. Each article, its perspectives, approaches, and implications, is briefly discussed in this Introduction, and also formally referenced in the hope that readers will engage the entire Forum. Moreover, the Forum authors hope that reader’s interest will be heightened leading to further research on this important topic.
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| 4 |
ID:
135990
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent radical changes in the application of military power and service patterns have triggered demands for a change in military identity. This article aimed to examine the ability of military identity to predict perceived military performance and attitudes beyond the contributions of personality traits and Hardiness in Norwegian military academy cadets (N = 117). Military skills, general military competence, and organizational commitment were measured by self-report. Military Identity, in particular operational identity, was found to predict both perceived military competence and skills. Furthermore, Individualism negatively predicted organizational commitment. As the first investigation of the unique influence of Military Identity on perceived skills and competence in the Norwegian armed forces, this study identifies operational identity as an important predictor of military performance. Implications for training as well as leadership development programs are discussed.
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| 5 |
ID:
135986
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| Summary/Abstract |
As part of a multi-article presentation about national and social resilience to the military practitioner community, the article initially embeds the concept of resilience into a concept of change. From this grounding discussion, the profiling of national/social resilience is presented as a useful part of building an improved intelligence process of holistic change forecasting. Next, as a better way of seeing and evaluating how different nations and societies will uniquely respond to crises, uniquely recover post-crisis and thereafter change into their future, a way of using resilience change profiling to improve intelligence foresight and forecasting is detailed. Also, an argument is presented that during periods of financial stress, such an approach has efficacy, economy-of-force and other comparative advantage benefits to Western military organizations.
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| 6 |
ID:
135985
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| Summary/Abstract |
Resilience has become a concept that has increasingly informed political and policy discussions around disaster planning and preparedness. In this article, we explore this “resilience creep” and examine the different ways in which this concept has been used in making sense of how to respond to contemporary threats to national security. In order to do this, we establish a typology of resilience that enables us to identify both the overlapping and the contradictory uses that this term has been put to. In addition, this typology affords the opportunity to reflect upon what is made visible and invisible in contemporary resilience speak and to highlight the dangers that may lie in continuing with an uncritical embrace of this concept.
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| 7 |
ID:
135987
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article starts with a broad discussion related to theoretical and conceptual aspects comprising the concept Social Resilience at the national level, as well as its multiple definitions, dimensions and measurements. This is followed by a unique case study – a longitudinal study conducted in Israel, during the critical period (with over 1000 terrorism-related deaths) of the Second/ Al-Aqsa Intifada (2000-2004), showing some unexpected findings related to community resilience, at the national, mass-behavioral level. These findings comprise both public behavioral indices as well as attitudinal measures. To the best of our knowledge, it is the first time such measures are used to assess social resilience. A critical discussion follows, in which the author presents several theoretical and practical challenges to students of the Social Resilience paradigm.
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| 8 |
ID:
135992
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| Summary/Abstract |
In February 2008, the Department of Defense (DoD) reissued DoD Directive 1344.10, ‘‘Political Activities by Members of the Armed Forces on Active Duty,’’ a standing list of political behavior do’s and don’ts for members of the active duty military. Three months later, the then-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Michael G. Mullen, took the extraordinary step of writing an open letter to members of the armed forces in Joint Force Quarterly, warning them to keep their politics private, remarking that ‘‘the only things we should be wearing on our sleeves are our military insignia.’’1 Four years later, his successor followed suit. In reminding the military of the need to remain nonpartisan during an election year, General Martin E. Dempsey cautioned, ‘‘The lines between the professional, personal—and virtual—are blurring. Now more than ever, we have to be exceptionally thoughtful about what we say and how we say it.’’2 These measures, taken just months before presidential elections, are indicative of the military’s concerns about politicization within the ranks and the very specific concern that members of the military are crossing the traditional and sacred line of political neutrality during election campaigns
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| 9 |
ID:
135989
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| Summary/Abstract |
Given various challenges to national security in democracies, such as terrorism and political violence, a growing need for reconceptualization of the term “resilience” emerges. The interface between national security and resilience is rooted in individuals’ perceptions and attitudes toward institutions and leadership. Therefore, in this article, we suggest that political–psychological features form the basis of citizens’ perceived definitions of national resilience. By comparing national resilience definitions composed by citizens of two democratic countries facing national threats of war and terrorism, the United States and Israel, we found that perceived threats, optimism, and public attitudes such as patriotism and trust in governmental institutions, are the most frequent components of the perceived national resilience. On the basis of these results, a reconceptualization of the term “national resilience” is presented. This can lead to validation of how resilience is measured and provide grounds for further examination of this concept in other democratic countries.
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