|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
136434
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Since the late 1990s, the Chinese government has engaged in a process of attempting to reform the technical global internet governance regime, which is currently dominated by the US government and non-state actors. This article aims to contribute to the literature on Beijing’s approach to this issue by providing a detailed empirical account of its involvement in a few core regime organisations. It argues that Beijing’s reform approach is guided by its domestically derived preferences for strong state authority and expanding China’s global power, but that its reform efforts are unlikely to succeed based on countervailing structural hard- and soft-power factors.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
136438
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In 2007, China created the China Investment Corporation (CIC), a sovereign wealth fund (SWF). There is much anxiety about how Beijing will deploy this US$500 billion fund. Specifically, there are concerns that Beijing may use the CIC to sanction others, gain control of other countries’ key assets, or challenge the international order. This analysis demonstrates that China is not wielding its SWF aggressively as an instrument of economic statecraft. Instead, Beijing primarily leverages it in order to advance its domestic objectives. However, China does use the CIC to enhance its natural resource security and build international partnerships.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
136436
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The recent outbreak of strikes at foreign-invested enterprises (FIEs) in some Chinese coastal cities brought China and its labour law into the spotlight and raised questions about the future of China’s workforce and labour protection. The core question seems to surround the inherent conflict between, on the one hand, the Party-state’s priority to maintain social stability and “harmony”, and on the other, the growing demands at the grassroots level by China’s workers struggling for better conditions and treatment amid China’s economic growth. This article attempts to take a positive approach in its analysis of the increasing worker activism in China by referring to Confucianism and Chinese labour law.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
136435
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article reviews a book series on Chinese-style democracy that was published in China in 2010 and represents mainstream Chinese perspectives and discourse on Chinese-style democracy. It begins with a discussion of whether a viable alternative to the liberal democratic model exists, and whether we should seriously consider Chinese-style democracy as one such alternative. The article discusses each of the volumes in this series, evaluates the arguments contained within them, and then reviews another two books in English that critique Chinese-style democracy. Finally, it concludes by arguing that we should take Chinese discourse about Chinese-style democracy seriously, not because we have to agree that it presents a viable alternative, but because it provides a realistic strategy for political progress within China’s political system.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
136439
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This study explores the role of domestic politics in China’s health-related development assistance to Africa. It identifies domestic politics as a constant, even critical, component in shaping and structuring China’s health aid to Africa. Until the late 1970s, foreign policy considerations determined the volume, direction and terms of China’s foreign aid, but since the 1980s domestic political economy has dominated China’s health aid policy process. China today utilises development assistance for health not only to expand its global influence and improve its international image, but also to serve the market and resource needs of its domestic economic development. An examination of existing policy-making and implementation regimes in health aid highlights the role of bureaucratic politics and other political-institutional variables in affecting the form, substance and effectiveness of foreign aid to Africa. The findings have important implications in China’s willingness and capacity to cooperate with the global donor community in Africa.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
136432
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on potential influences of internet use and development on China’s legal system and legal reforms. It examines this issue in both directions: how the Chinese government has been utilising the internet as a tool to strengthen its legal system and fulfil its reform goals, and how the public has responded in both responsive and proactive ways in an interactive and inter-evolving process. While the responsive public participation is answering initiatives from the government in nature, the proactive public participation is self-initiated. In recent years, it is the latter that has carried the greater weight in China’s internet politics. The Chinese government of the future may face challenges as it grapples with the question of how to simultaneously maintain information control while utilising internet technology as a tool to further its reforms.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
136433
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Taking the approach of surveillance studies, this research aims to advance a balanced and context-rich understanding of how microblogging affords a variety of surveillance practices over Chinese society and of its impact. The study identifies the distinct features of grassroots surveillance, including anti-authoritarism, decentralisation and poor organisation, as well as rumour, entertainment and violence. Grassroots surveillance, enabled by microblogging, poses challenges to state surveillance, which seeks rationality, efficiency, social stability and solidarity. Grassroots surveillance creates huge impacts on Chinese society, including truth, morality, trust and power. The surveillance structure is experiencing a paradigmatic shift from panopticon to post-panopticon. Consequently, this study identifies a bankruptcy of disciplinary society that is based on panopticon surveillance, but without a possible formation of a controlled society that is based on post-panopticon. Instead, the social change enabled by microblogging-based surveillance falls into what Scott Lash called “disorganization”.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
136437
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Institutional change is the functional result of multiple factors, which can also be applied to predicting whether hostile takeovers will potentially rise in the near future in China. Currently, hostile takeovers are yet to be a common practice for Chinese-listed companies. However, along with the end of the equity-division reform at the end of 2006, “hostile takeovers” has become a catchphrase in Chinese newspapers. In the context of expected rise of hostile takeovers in China, corporate law scholars have already carried out productive research in this regard through the lens of the multi-factor model, but these contributions still have clear shortcomings and gaps. Confronted with loopholes, this article raises three questions in line with efficiency, politics and law and then preliminarily answers them. Through this effort, it is expected that Chinese takeover jurisprudence can be amended in a timely manner so that it can adapt itself to the changing economic and political settings that frame hostile takeovers.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
136431
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Using data from several Chinese national and cross-national public opinion surveys conducted between 1992 and 2008, this article proposes new ways to measure religiosity in China by separating institutional religiosity from diffused religiosity. The findings show that while institutional religiosity is exceptionally low in China, diffused religiosity is surprisingly high, increasing rapidly between the early 1990s and late 2000s. Furthermore, this latter group promotes regime support and political and economic efficacies. The article concludes by pointing out the importance of using multiple measurements of religiosity in future comparative research
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|