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| 1 |
ID:
153454
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| Summary/Abstract |
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation
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| 2 |
ID:
059259
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| Publication |
Oct-Dec 2004.
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| 3 |
ID:
091347
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| 4 |
ID:
138737
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines China’s concern to prevent terrorism and maintain stability in Central Asia through the SCO. The situation in Afghanistan has raised concerns among SCO member countries and strengthened common interests to maintain the regional organization, regime stability, and economic co-operation within it.
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| 5 |
ID:
081445
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| 6 |
ID:
171454
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2020.
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| Description |
lii, 587p.: tables, figures, mapshbk
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| Standard Number |
9789389137439
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059863 | 327.5/CHI 059863 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 059864 | 327.5/CHI 059864 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
067093
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| 8 |
ID:
148055
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| Summary/Abstract |
2014–2015 were years of turmoil for strategic relations, with Sino-Russian relations emerging as a particularly interesting set of ties to observe. This article asks whether recurrent Sino-Russian exhortations of friendship are mirrored by their strategic alignment in the defence and security realm, half a century after the end of the Sino-Soviet pact during the communist era. We examine the arms trade between the two countries and with regional partners, but also the recent pattern of bilateral and multilateral military exercises, as a combined test of the security and defence relationship. We are able to show that the image of friendship that both Moscow and Beijing like to promote, while apparent at the UN Security Council and within the BRICS group, remains constrained by rivalry in high-tech segments of the arms industry and by lingering concerns about the prospects of peer interference in their shared regional vicinity.
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| 9 |
ID:
084441
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines how the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) seeks to undermine democratisation in Central Asia. Prior studies of the interplay between international organisations and democracy have tended to examine only one half of this relationship: whether, how, and under what circumstances do international organisations promote democracy? However, the opposite has been largely ignored: how do international organisations sustain autocracy? Authoritarian governments are increasingly adopting policies aimed at preserving their political power and the SCO represents an additional strategy in this regard: utilising multilateral cooperation to defend themselves against regional or global democratic trends. As such, the 'Shanghai Spirit' may be a sign of things to come as autocratic leaders become more bold in their rejection of democratic norms.
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| 10 |
ID:
085832
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is a more or less general agreement among political scientists that the center of gravity of the most important (or even critically important) world developments is shifting toward Central Asia. The sequence of events brings us back to square one: the Soviet Union's disintegration and the emergence of the newly independent states. A potential boon that could have opened access to the region's oil and gas riches and could have enriched the local states and their extra-regional partners was buried by the inadequate behavior of the sides involved. Business cooperation presupposes mutual understanding and mutual concessions for the sake of mutual benefit
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| 11 |
ID:
143350
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| Summary/Abstract |
India and Central Asia have shared a geo-cultural affinity and a long tradition of historical contacts that dates back to antiquity. There is convergence of views and interests between the Central Asian Republics and India, on fundamental issues such as; (a) need to maintain social harmony and equilibrium by promoting inter-ethnic harmony and peaceful co-existence; (b) commitment to secularism and democracy and opposition to religious fundamentalism; (c) recognition of threat to regional security and stability from trans-border terrorism, arms and drug trafficking, religious extremism and ethnic-religious secessionism; (d) commitment to the principles of territorial integrity of nation states and inviolability of state borders; (e) promoting economic, scientific and cultural cooperation and (f) ensuring peaceful and tranquil neighbourhood in Afghanistan.
The Central Asian Republics, being cautious and wary of dominating influence of the powerful neighbours like Russia and China look towards India as a friend and partner, which does not have any political or territorial ambitions in the region. India is also expected to play a balancing role in the big power games in Central Asia.
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| 12 |
ID:
085829
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
From the very first days of their independence the post-Soviet Central Asian states rich in natural resources and ruled by elites with little (if any) experience in international affairs have been objects of close attention by external players who hastened to the Eurasian geopolitical arena to put pressure on what looked like easy prey. Today multisided integration structures have been and remain a popular lever of pressure.
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| 13 |
ID:
078866
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The region, Central Asia, and the regional organisation, SCO, were of significance for China, India and Russia with respect to dealing with threats to security posed by non-state actors such as terrorists and drug-traffickers. The three could also cooperate with regard to energy resources, transport and investment in the region. However, competition could not be ruled out and hence it was necessary to structure their interaction in terms of 'cooperative competition' and well-coordinated trilateral interaction, for example, by each agreeing to specialise in a particular sphere or sector.
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| 14 |
ID:
095120
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2010.
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This article employs fieldwork research and literature analysis to examine contemporary perceptions of China's emergence in popular and elite opinion in Russia and the Central Asian states, particularly Kazakhstan. It initially establishes a framework for understanding China's emergence, emphasizing a trilateral dynamic between the hegemonic position of the US in Asia, the evolution of the strategic choices of China's neighbours and the development of strategic regionalism as a mechanism for managing regional spaces. Choosing to take the Commonwealth of Independent States as a particular case of this framework, it argues that the interaction between Russia, China and the US remains highly fluid, particularly under the conditions 'of re-setting' the US-Russian relationship. This means that regional contexts are highly significant; and it establishes Central Asia as an important new strategic region for working out relations between Russia, China, and the US through their interactions with regional states. The second part of the article examines Russian and Central Asian responses to China's emergence. It looks at three categories of motivation in China's regionalism: its system for accumulative growth; its problems with weak constitutionality and transnational security in its western regions; and its concern with US/NATO encroachment on its western frontier and the US attempt to turn Central Asian elites away from their traditional alignments. The third part looks at China's promotion of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) as its mechanism for strategic regionalism in Central Asia. The article questions the SCO's significance in terms of its capacity for governance and functionalism, and points to the problem of institutional competition, notably with Moscow's preferred structure of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. The article concludes that China will be an unconventional superpower that presents different facets of itself in different regional contexts. There will not be a single model of China's emergence and it will continue to develop its international role through a mix of adaptation and experimentation. However, China's strategy will pose a problem for Russia and Central Asia since it seeks to create a strategic space that does not challenge the West, but exists substantially outside the West. Russia, in particular, has to decide whether it will be able to maintain its current stance of independence between Europe and Asia as China's rise shifts the frontiers between East and West.
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| 15 |
ID:
170614
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| 16 |
ID:
082848
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is gradually intensifying its focus on economics. The most likely explanation for this policy change is that China, the SCO's economic growth engine, needs lots of fuel to stay in the running, and this change of the Organization's thrust is fully supported by Central Asia and Russia with their abundant hydrocarbons.1 Significantly, experts must be right, we believe, arguing that the SCO may turn out to be short-lived as a regional alliance unless its members found common ground on energy from both the economic and political, even strategic, perspective
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| 17 |
ID:
060741
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| Publication |
Winter 2004-05.
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| 18 |
ID:
150942
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| 19 |
ID:
141990
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| Publication |
Gurgaon, Random House Publishers India Pvt. Ltd, 2015.
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| Description |
xvi, 347p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9788184007589
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058367 | 327.5105491/SMA 058367 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
078078
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