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| 1 |
ID:
135778
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| Summary/Abstract |
According to the current Local Authorities Act in Israel 2000, once the municipal government fails to function financially, the Ministry of the Interior should intervene to appoint a professional team to help the municipality recover from its crisis. This law contains no wording ordering the local authorities to provide any local services. In the absence of a clear demand from the central government to provide certain public goods at the local level, what motivates the heads of local authorities to provide such goods? Given that local environmental issues are mostly identified as local services, and that people's satisfaction with the quality of the local environmental services is an effective predictor for the re-election of an incumbent head in almost all Israeli municipalities, the way local authorities deal with these services constitutes a case study with which to examine their incentive for providing local services. This study seeks to explain the empirical nature of the major political motivations of the heads of local authorities for providing environmental services. The environmental and sustainability literature offers economic and civic motivations as an answer to this question. In contrast, this article suggests public choice theory as an alternative answer to this question.
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| 2 |
ID:
135777
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| Summary/Abstract |
The study of social policy in Israel has undergone major changes both since its initial steps during the 1950s and since the early 1970s, a period in which the first significant efforts to institutionalize it as an academic field took place. Based on a theoretical perspective that regards the scientific system as a social arena, this article seeks to identify the trends that have characterized this development as reflected in journal publications, both Israeli and international, over the past four decades. The findings indicate that social policy research has become a vibrant field of academic research over this period and that a number of key trends related to both the intra-institutional aspects and the intra- scientific aspects of this development, can be identified.
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| 3 |
ID:
135783
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| Summary/Abstract |
The establishment of a multi-campus university in the Galilee would primarily assist the smaller colleges that have relatively small enrolment numbers, and lack the wherewithal to create a critical mass of staff and resources. The proposal fell victim to power struggles between the Planning and Budgets Committee and other branches of the Council of Higher Education. Or perhaps the concept of a ‘university’ stirred anxiety among Council members, most of whom have vested interests in the universities where they work. The fact is that a good plan that would have contributed to higher education in the north and upgraded the region's academic colleges was tossed off the Council's agenda without its advocates being called for a serious discussion.
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| 4 |
ID:
135787
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| 5 |
ID:
135786
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper addresses the effects of the mixed system used for the last three elections in Lesotho (2002, 2007 and 2012), a small African country with a turbulent history regarding opposition acceptance of elections. The decision to implement a mixed system was in part to encourage democratic stability, yet whether the electoral system has become more conducive to democratic competition is unclear. Through an analysis of national and district-level results, this paper addresses the following questions. First, at the district level, is competition consistent with Duverger’s law or the contamination thesis and is a progression over time evident? Second, does the population size of a district influence the number of candidates and the concentration of votes? Finally, following recent research on detecting electoral fraud, this paper tackles whether the reports of district results suggest extra-institutional manipulation.
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| 6 |
ID:
135781
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| Summary/Abstract |
Electoral institutions and salient ‘issues’ bear significant effects on voting behaviour. One of the most intriguing voting patterns, split voting, is a combination of the two. This article examines the impact of changes in electoral institutions on voting behaviour. Employing the well-known ‘balancing model’ it analyses the impact of multi-issue political context on the generalizability of the model. Israel presents a unique case in which a change in the electoral institution was implemented fully only twice before returning to the old system. The article uses individual-level data collected prior to the two electoral campaigns to analyse the ability of the balancing model to account for the multi-faceted, multi-identity scheme. The findings show that for the most salient issue the model holds; however, when looking at secondary issues and self-identifications of voters the model fails to predict split voting. Finally, the effects of the institutional change on voting patterns are analysed.
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| 7 |
ID:
135776
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| Summary/Abstract |
This volume presents a multifaceted, multidisciplinary exploration of Israel, using a theory-guided analytical narrative and offering a broad overview that addresses the various aspects of Israeli society as well as issues that were of major public importance during the six-and-half decades of the state's existence, many of which have never been studied before from the perspectives presented here.
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| 8 |
ID:
135782
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This article argues that the tenure of left-wing governments in Israel in the past 40 years has been associated with faster socio-political globalization, while the tenure of right-wing ones has been associated with slower socio-political globalization. In contrast, the pace of Israel's economic globalization and the rise in its average income are found to have been unrelated to the government's political bias. Interestingly, income inequality is found to be unrelated to changes in average income or to government bias with regard to globalization. However, income inequality is found to have risen under governments with a hawkish military bias.
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| 9 |
ID:
135780
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Work values among Jews in Israel have been studied for several decades, while there has been no attempt to study work values among Arabs. This article examines and compares the centrality of work and the preferred work goals among Israeli Jews and Arabs and the effect of demographic factors on work values. In 2006 the Meaning-of-Working (MOW) questionnaire was conducted on a representative sample of the Israeli labour force that included Jews and Arabs. The findings reveal significant differences regarding the importance of work and most of the preferred work goals among Jews and Arabs. Overall, the demographic variables hardly explain the value differences among members of the two ethnic groups. The findings can be explained by cultural, social and economic factors and primarily by the Israeli–Arab/Palestinian conflict.
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| 10 |
ID:
135779
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the attempts to establish a human rights commission in Israel by using public choice theory and socio-cultural variables as explanations. It develops a theoretical framework that views the decision-making process (1999–2004) as dictated by several conditions: non-governability, the judicialization of politics and the special characteristics of civil society in Israel. It emphasizes the existence of an outcome-directed, participative political culture with alternative (instrumental) characteristics. Thus, the call for social change is characterized by protest and challenges to the authorities. These considerations have received less emphasis in the human rights literature.
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| 11 |
ID:
135784
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This article proposes, as test cases, three TV documentaries that underwent economic censorship in Israeli media in 2001–2014. Economic censorship, very rarely exposed, is a relatively new concept, and is as yet uncommon in media research, although it has been flourishing throughout the neoliberal global media economy over the past three decades. Since the 1980s, Israel's successive military conflicts have been intertwined in a neoliberal hegemony, whereas from the 2000s, neoliberalism was transformed into an extreme version, destroying the former Israeli welfare state, its social order and ideology. The analysis reveals the prominent function of commercial and public TV Channels in the implementation and amplification of neoliberalism proper, neoliberal doctrine, and a culture of neoliberalism to or for Israeli audiences, while ‘Acts of Resistance’, drawn from a relatively autonomous field of production – the TV documentary – challenge neoliberal hegemony, also by continuing to stir activists' consciences before and throughout the social protests in 2011 and their aftermath.
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| 12 |
ID:
135785
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| Summary/Abstract |
The attempt to present the 2011 social protests as a demand for improving the standard of living is nothing but cheap demagoguery that reveals the political leadership's detachment more than anything else. This article argues that these protests are a sign of the maturity of Israeli society and a historic event. They demonstrate mature insight on the part of an educated Israeli public that sees itself as part of the developed Western world. For the first time in a generation, the Israeli public is complaining about the absence of a guiding ideological foundation for the general social choices being made in their name by their elected representatives. Post-2011 Israel is a country where the public is forcing its elected officials to engage in a debate about the ideas of neo-liberalism and demanding that they take a clear stand about available ideological options and act accordingly.
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