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| 1 |
ID:
137021
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| Summary/Abstract |
International relations and domestic politics are interlinked. States do not exist in a vacuum. States are unable to make policies without keeping in mind the intricacies of the environment in which they exist. The influence of domestic policy on international relations and vice versa has become even more crucial in the twenty-first century. Relations between neighbouring states have become so complicated with increasing political and economic globalisation that each state regards international influences to be having a lot of significance for its domestic policies. It is in this context that the present article aims to understand the impact of forced migration of a certain population within South Asia on Indian geopolitics. Providing a historical perspective as well as primary observation of residents in a refugee camp, this article will show how a state on the southern border of the country (Tamil Nadu), which shares ethnic commonality with a neighbour (Sri Lanka), has made it clear that neglect of its population in the former will only make relations between the two South Asian countries sour. This forces the Indian federation to rethink about the definition of a semi-federal and semi-unitary system that exists in the country.
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| 2 |
ID:
137022
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The issue of corporate social responsibility (CSR) of firms in their host community remains an unsettled academic debate. In developing states where multinational corporations (MNCs) are dominant actors, the issue is even more contested. Most importantly, MNCs’ profit motive, their support in their home country and the inability to hold them accountable to their host community/state’s aspirations present a direct clash with their innocent appearance and pretence of CSR. But why do MNCs need to be overloaded with the host community’s problems in the form of CSR when they are paying royalties, taxes, rents and other levies to their host states? Despite the fact that recent research in this field has shown how this correlates with the profit motive of these firms, contestation by state-corporations over public goods is not decided in favour of the bottom billion. This article observes attempts by the South African government to provide HIV/AIDS drugs at an affordable price based on recommendations by the World Trade Organization-Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (WTO-TRIPS) between 1997 and 2014. By January 2014, MPCs, in their bids to effectively control the production of ARV as against generic licensing accommodated in the TRIPS agreement, started a campaign of calumny against South African government. This was aimed indirectly to influence the Proposed Draft National IP Policy of September 2013 that will make ARV cheaper in the country. The campaign was described by the South African Department of Health as a genocide attempt against South Africans.
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| 3 |
ID:
137018
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Based largely on speeches, statements and interviews of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru—who dominated the foreign policy-making processes and held the portfolio of foreign minister throughout the 17 years of his prime ministership—this article examines initial Indian concerns, perceptions and policy towards the European Economic Community. It evaluates the key elements which influenced his thinking and evaluates Indian attempts to secure a viable trade arrangement with the Community during the Nehru era.
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| 4 |
ID:
137020
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| Summary/Abstract |
While focusing on the ‘third neighbour’ approach of Mongolia’s diplomacy of external relations, this article seeks to examine the effects of this new approach on India–Mongolia relations. It delves into the evolution of Mongolia’s ‘third neighbour’ policy and its implementation into forging a mutually beneficial cooperation in diverse areas with such ‘third neighbour’ nations or a group of nations that could help balance Mongolia’s two geographic neighbours—Russia and China. The article argues that such third neighbours have been identified to bolster Mongolia’s development, invest, and encourage the democratic transition/consolidation that is under way. In the case of India, ever since it began to be considered as one of Mongolia’s third neighbours, their relationship has witnessed a sea change, that is, the bilateral relations turned into a comprehensive partnership. Contrary to the ordinary viewpoint, the argument here is that India remains an important country for Mongolia in both regional and international contexts, particularly in the context of India’s role in promoting a multi-polar security structure in Asia. The Mongolians concede India’s positive influence on them and desire that the strong cultural relationship based on Buddhist traditions between the two sides should be translated into a strategic partnership. This is more so because Mongolia’s proximity with India appears to be a significant factor to balance off the equation with China.
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| 5 |
ID:
137019
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the end of Cold War the relative dominance of the military–political notion of security plummeted reflecting the widespread recognition of the sources of security being diversified away from the centre stage, that is, the state. In recent years what have catapulted into the centre stage of both policy and strategic thinking are the environmental apocalypse, poverty, economic decline and other social crisis of identity, drug and human trafficking and politics of racism, minority, human rights and feminist indignation and population age structure brushing aside the political–military construct of security hovered around state and its apparatus to the fringe. Out of all these non-traditional security threats population age structure stands preeminent in view of its impact on stability and liberal democratic character of a state. The very word people is no longer a homogenous term. If the number of youths of a particular age group surpasses the other age groups in a nation it has serious implications on its security, and political stability. This is termed as ‘youth bulge’ which can turn into violence and civil war in case of failure of the state in providing them jobs, education and economic sustenance. This article explains how youth bulge in Afghanistan can greatly affect its transition to liberal democracy in the context of American withdrawal from Afghanistan and failure of the government to address the socio-economic challenges the people face in the society. When state fails as a constitutional and institutional device to meet all these challenges, slipping into the hands of Taliban which provides better economic prospects can become a fait accompli. Then the devil is easily identified in the demography. The stranglehold of America on Taliban seems to be waning with its decision to withdraw and involvement of Taliban in the peace talk. This will aggravate the situation further in Afghanistan as its youth bulge is very much disenchanted with the existing socio-economic landscape casting a shadow over its stability and transition to democracy.
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