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| 1 |
ID:
136579
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines the reasons behind the Aquino administration’s instantaneous
support for the Obama administration’s pivot to Asia as the Philippines negotiated
and signed a framework agreement on enhanced defense cooperation with the United States. This outright backing stems from President Aquino’s determination to counter China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. The 2012 Scarborough Shoal stand-off between the Philippines and China has validated the immediacy of this security arrangement which jibes with the U.S. strategic policy. In conclusion, the article contends that a small power like the Philippines—when confronted by an emergent and potentially expansionist power—is not necessarily helpless since it has foreign policy choices, as well as the power to chart its own destiny.
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| 2 |
ID:
136584
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Korean government is emphasizing the role of the defense industry in a bid to connect it more firmly with the country’s economy as a whole. Following the previous government’s policy of developing the defense industry into a new economic
growth engine, the current government is seeking to create innovative defense R&D basis and boost new business in the defense industry as one of the key agendas in the defense acquisition program administration. The key of this policy is how to improve the defense R&D system and industrial base through “Openness and Competition,” which is contrasted to the past policy strongly based on protectionism. In order to realize this, the Korean government is endeavoring to move toward leading future development. This change of focus will require a comprehensive understanding on business environment and performance of the defense industry. The reality faced by defense companies should also be considered from a more objective perspective. In this context, this paper examines the overall management of Korean defense companies and evaluates the policy implications that can be identified in this regard. The main contents of this paper include an overview of supply base of the defense industry, an outline of the trends and structural characteristics of defense revenues, and analyses of overall management status associated with financial matters; number of workers employed; amount of investments; domestic supply of defense items production; and defense exports. Furthermore, by comparing the changing trends of business indicators, points worth considering in the establishment of the future direction of defense policy have been put forward.
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| 3 |
ID:
136583
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The goal of this study is to examine the effects of the joint education program that was newly constituted by the South Korean Army, Navy, and Air Force Academy in 2012 to improve the South Korean military’s joint operational capability. This paper investigates whether the joint education program bridged the cultural gaps that had existed historically among the armed services, resulting in a greater exchange of camaraderie and information. The findings demonstrate the positive impact of a joint education program on the exchange of camaraderie. In the later stage of joint education, military cadets are less likely to exchange camaraderie with those who came from the same military academy; but they are more likely to exchange camaraderie with those who share the same room in the military barracks, and with those who participate in formal training in the same classroom. In comparison to the exchange of camaraderie, however, the joint education program failed to produce a collaborative atmosphere in which three random service academy cadets actively exchanged information with one another. The South Korean case provides a model for building cohesion across different service members by using education, while also demonstrating its limitations.
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| 4 |
ID:
136585
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines a selective policy-forcing role of media on U.S. foreign policymaking and presents how the interaction among media coverage, media framing
and policy certainty provided a permissive condition for the United States to selectively undertake humanitarian intervention. It focuses on two humanitarian crises that occurred in northern and southern Iraq after the Persian Gulf War in 1991 and investigates how disproportionate media coverage and empathy media framing, combined with the policy uncertainty over the Iraqi crises drove the United States to implement selective humanitarian intervention in northern Iraq. Meanwhile, the southern crisis was left untended, which ultimately degenerated into an orphan conflict that remained protracted for years without any international recognition of the suffering of millions. This result implies that in the absence of the policy certainty of the United States, the policy-forcing role of the media becomes far more compelling in making a crisis visible to the public and prioritizing it over policymaking.
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| 5 |
ID:
136580
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| Summary/Abstract |
The purpose of this study is to examine the antecedents of social adaptation among North Korean refugees in South Korea. The paper hypothesizes that the relationship between perceived discrimination and social adaptation in South Korea will be mediated by national identity. To test this, a survey was conducted of 405 North Korean refugees in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province in South Korea. Social adaptation among North Korean refugees was associated with perceived discrimination in South Korea. That relationship was mediated by their national identity. In this study, national identity was a partial rather than a full mediator of the relationship between perceived discrimination and social adaptation. This is consistent with the hypothesis that perceived discrimination has not only direct effects on social adaptation, but also has indirect effects on social adaptation through national identity as a mediator. Based on the findings, this study presents practical suggestions for intervention for reducing their discrimination experience and promoting social adaptation and national identity among North Korean refugees in South Korea.
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| 6 |
ID:
136578
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| Summary/Abstract |
In view of the changing security environment in Northeast Asia, stemming from China’s assertiveness in regional issues and North Korea’s nuclear weapons program, the threat perception in Japan has considerably heightened. This has triggered a debate domestically in Japan about whether it is an appropriate time to review its nuclear option as a means of deterrence. Such thinking presupposes that confidence
in the U.S. extended deterrence has started eroding or has weakened. There are various political strands to this issue and there is no consensus yet reached to make
the change officially possible. If Japan does indeed initiate a change in policy seriously, it would make the United States uncomfortable. But given the strong anti-nuclear sentiment in Japan, it would be difficult for any government of any party to sell the idea to the people. The domino effect of such a policy change would be seen almost immediately in South Korea and Taiwan, making Northeast Asia the world’s most nuclearized region. This would also mean the abrogation of the security alliance relationship with the United States. Given Japan’s capability in terms of capital, technology and possession of sufficient spent fuel needed for making the nuclear bomb it would be possible for Japan to make a nuclear bomb, but it would be a politically dangerous move and therefore inadvisable. Though it would remain theoretically possible, the debate would remain as an academic exercise for quite some time. This essay makes an attempt to study this complex issue as objectively as possible.
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| 7 |
ID:
136581
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 1989 when the North Korean nuclear issue first rose to global prominence, efforts by the international community to resolve the issue have not moved it meaningfully closer to the actual elimination of North Korea’s nuclear weapons program and weapon holdings. While North Korea has succeeded in getting the United States to the negotiation table by using the nuclear card and consolidating its own regime security, the process of resolving the issue has been locked in a cycle of negotiation, agreement, abrogation of agreements, the heightening of crisis, and renegotiation. Thus, whereas the Six-Party Talks have yielded agreements to end North Korea’s nuclear programs, notably through the September 19, 2005 Joint Statement and the February 13 Agreement of 2007, North Korea has continued to develop its nuclear weapons program. It is therefore clear that the North Korean nuclear issue is showing little, if any, sign of being resolved despite pressure from the international community, including the South Korean government’s suspension of economic assistance and cooperation with the North, and the UN Security Council sanctions against the North. This paper accordingly examines the North Korean nuclear issue—the most pressing security problem on the Korean Peninsula during the past two decades. This paper explores the recurring pattern of the North Korean nuclear crises and North Korea’s negotiating behavior, analyzing the core and critical issues of dealing with the North Korean nuclear program and the difficulties that have arisen in the process. In so doing, policy priorities are identified that could help to bring about a nuclear weapons-free Korean Peninsula.
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| 8 |
ID:
136582
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the feasible policy options of the United States and Republic of Korea alliance in coping with the current DPRK nuclear crisis. North Korea’s third nuclear weapon experiment with several medium- and long-range missile test firings pose a security threat to South Korea. In March 2013, the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party adopted a new strategy of simultaneously building up the economy and nuclear capability. As a non-nuclear power, South Korea faces difficulty in developing effective countermeasures against the nuclear threat from the North. Although the United States has confirmed its commitment to defending South Korea, Seoul cannot dispel its own anxiety of a potential peril of nuclear attack from the North. This paper investigates what feasible policy options are available to the U.S.-ROK alliance in the face of the DPRK’s nuclear threat.
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