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| 1 |
ID:
137493
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| Publication |
New York, Simon and Schuster, 2015.
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| Description |
xix, 443p.Hbk.
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| Standard Number |
9781476712079
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058169 | 958.104/GRE 058169 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
137193
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| Summary/Abstract |
Introduction to Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 1/2015: The Chinese Presence in Africa: A Learning Process
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| 3 |
ID:
137969
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Orient Blackswan, 2015.
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| Description |
xv, 213p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788125058533
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058194 | 327.17470954/VAN 058194 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
139254
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Using original public-opinion polls and elite interviews conducted in 2012, this article analyzes the perceptions of Turkish foreign policy regarding the Arab Uprisings and the Syrian conflict in three Middle Eastern countries, Egypt, Iraq and Iran. It finds that ethnic, sectarian and religious groups in these three countries vary significantly in their views on Turkish foreign policy regarding both the Arab Uprisings and the Syrian conflict, although the same identity-related factors have a less salient effect at the elite level. The findings also suggest that the intersection of ethnicity and sect shapes people's attitudes toward Turkish foreign policy in Iran and Iraq. Sunnis, except for Kurds in Iran and Iraq, tend to have a positive view of Turkish foreign policy, while Shia Turkomans in Iraq tend to have a negative one.
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| 5 |
ID:
137211
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although many observers in the field of Southeast Asian international relations (IRs) predict that Myanmar's relations with China have faced a grand challenge since the 2010 presidential election, this article provides a different perspective and proposes that Myanmar's China policy remain consistent. In addition, theorists in IRs tend to apply the concepts of balance of power (BoP) and bandwagoning as the analytical base and fail to explain the Southeast Asian states’ responses to the rising China. This article argues that Myanmar's China policy is better understood and depicted by the theory of balance of relationship (BoR). This article further provides an analysis from the angles of historical factor, domestic political tradition, and external environment to investigate Myanmar's manipulation of BoR. The conclusion of this article aims at predicting the future development of the Sino-Burmese relations.
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| 6 |
ID:
138797
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), 2015.
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| Description |
72pPbk
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| Contents |
IDSA Monograph No.44
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| Standard Number |
9789382169529
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058215 | 327.58/STO 058215 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 058216 | 327.58/STO 058216 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
139268
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, I utilise a contextual understanding of ethnicity and unique data to demonstrate that the ethnic Uzbek identity category is both widely available and frequently a useful means of making sense of the world in both Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. While Uzbek ethnicity is generally salient in both states, the context in which it becomes so varies across space. In particular, there are significant urban–rural distinctions that affect when Uzbek ethnicity is utilised to interpret the world. In addition, compared to others, rural Tajikistani Uzbeks perceive that the boundary between Uzbeks and the titular groups is particularly permeable.
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| 8 |
ID:
137798
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| Summary/Abstract |
IS CHINA PULLING ITS WEIGHT IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM? In recent years, China has increased its contribution to United Nations peacekeeping, raised its foreign aid to impoverished countries, and made significant commitments to global arms control initiatives.1 Even so, a rising chorus of voices has charged that China is “free riding” on cooperation undertaken by the United States and other countries that provides benefits to the wider international community. Calling China a free rider is nothing new; scholars described China as free riding on nuclear arms control agreements and international environmental cooperation as early as the 1990s.2 Yet with the United States beset by financial and economic woes in recent years, allegations that Beijing free rides on the United States and other countries have grown more frequent and more impatient. Whether the issue is fighting terrorism or preventing nuclear proliferation, it has become routine—particularly in the United States—to complain that China is not doing enough to support international cooperation.3 The number of articles containing both of the terms “China” and “free rider” in the Factiva database, for example, increased from an average of 39 per year from 2005 to 2009 to 75 per year from 2010 to 2013. Chinese observers, meanwhile, argue among themselves whether China free rides (da bian che) on the collective action of other states.4 Some agree that China should be seen as a free rider, at least in some areas.5 Other Chinese writers disagree and reject the notion that China should take on “even more responsibility” for global governance.
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| 9 |
ID:
137620
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using a case study of Beijing’s participation in the Shangri-La Dialogue, a prominent annual security gathering in Singapore, this article analyses China’s approach to Asian security multilateralism. It does so by developing and employing a typology consisting of four characterizations of multilateral engagement: China as “blocker”; China as “socialized participant”; China as “shaper”; and China as “opportunistic participant”. The article shows that in its approach to the Shangri-La Dialogue, China displays all four of these traits, while noting that some are more prevalent and compelling at certain points in time. It uses this finding to draw conclusions about Beijing’s future engagement with the Shangri-La Dialogue and its broader approach to security multilateralism. It also contributes to the larger debate over whether China is a “revisionist” or a “status quo” rising power.
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| 10 |
ID:
137183
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This article explores why the People's Republic of China employed a surprisingly soft and lenient policy toward Japan in the 1950s despite their historical and political animosities. Relying on a relatively new concept in the study of international relations, I argue that China's conciliatory policy toward Japan represented a wedge strategy that was designed to detach Japan from the United States and weaken the US-Japan alliance. The logic of the theory also reveals that China's policy was in line with its “united front” against the United States during the Cold War.
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| 11 |
ID:
137194
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Chinese migrant entrepreneurs in Ghana perceive themselves as vulnerable, as regularly they encounter problems and their businesses fail. The adaption experiences of Chinese entrepreneurs in Africa, especially non-traders, remain largely unstudied. By looking at the interactions of newly arrived and established Chinese migrants with institutional actors, partners, local employees and other Chinese in Ghana, this paper shows the multiple dimensions of how Chinese entrepreneurs’ migration adaptation evolves, and how they create social capital to develop their businesses in Ghana. From the Chinese perspective, established entrepreneurs condemn the recent numerous “new” Chinese in Ghana as part of the root cause of problems, on account of their “poor quality and bad behaviour”; by comparison, the newly arrived Chinese attribute their challenges to deficiencies in the local people and institutions of the host country. The negative experiences of Chinese entrepreneurs in Ghana provide further evidence for, not only African, but also local Chinese agency from below, and suggest that the rising Chinese presence does not necessarily improve the social status of Chinese entrepreneurs or create a stronger, more unified Chinese community on the continent.
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| 12 |
ID:
137963
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| Publication |
London, Lexington Books, 2014.
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| Description |
xi, 227p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780739182789
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058190 | 327.51054/SMI 058190 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
139195
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| Summary/Abstract |
East Asia is a region of contradictions. While it contributes an equal share to world Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as North America, it is also home to four flashpoints: the Taiwan Straits, Korean Peninsula, East China Sea and South China Sea. Countries in the region are bound to each other by economic linkages through trade and production networks, which have led the region to have a joint stake in its shared prosperity. However, increasing economic interdependence, while being a deterrent for conflict, falls short of becoming a cause for peace. Inability to resolve the historical legacies and boundary disputes, the competition for resources, the rise of China, the US pivot to Asia, the unstable regime of North Korea and the changing Japanese security identity are some of the multifarious security problems for the region. This constant clash of strategic aspirations to dominate the region ensures that military instruments will play a critical role in Asia.
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| 14 |
ID:
137187
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In this article, I investigate trade relations between Norway and China after the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Liu Xiaobo, a leading Chinese dissident. It is a case study of China's political use of economic levers in its international relations. Concluding that Sino-Norwegian trade relationship did not suffer the severe impact that many predicted, I argue that the threshold for China to enact punitive economic actions seems higher than is often acknowledged. China's sensitivity is to the costs and benefits of the relevant country's trade.
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| 15 |
ID:
137800
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE EMERGENCE OF FRANCE AS THE GENDARME OF AFRICA goes back to the 1960s and the independence of its African colonies. Unlike other European colonial powers, such as the United Kingdom, France was faced late with decolonization and, most of all, wished to maintain an exclusive influence over its former colonial empire. French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa disappeared, but France sought to maintain privileged and lasting political, cultural, economic, and military relations with the former colonies. The new African regimes would receive military and technical assistance from France in return for backing its international policies. Paris thus established a type of nested neocolonial association with these sub-Saharan states of limited sovereignty. This defined France's pré carré in Africa, its area of exclusive action.
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| 16 |
ID:
138799
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), 2015.
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| Description |
44p.Pbk
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| Contents |
IDSA Occasional Paper No. 40
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| Standard Number |
9789382169543
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058219 | 327.116593054/CHI 058219 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 058220 | 327.116593054/CHI 058220 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
137799
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| Summary/Abstract |
IN A SERIES OF ARTICLES AND A BOOK ON THE ISRAEL LOBBY, realist international relations theorists John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt argued in 2006–2007 that America's virtually unqualified support for Israel was damaging the U.S. national interest. “Now that the Cold War is over, Israel has become a strategic liability for the United States,” they argue. “Washington's close relationship with Jerusalem makes it harder, not easier, to defeat the terrorists who are now targeting the United States.”1 America's disastrous Middle East policy, they further contend, is best explained by the pernicious influence of the “Israel lobby” in Washington, especially wealthy Jews and the right-wing American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC).
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| 18 |
ID:
137710
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| Summary/Abstract |
Constructivism in the International Relations literature mainly focuses on the constitutive interaction between international norms and state actions. Few studies explore when ideas at the domestic level matter in foreign policy change. I propose a constructivist account for policy change that emphasizes not only ideas but also material interests as exogenous factors constituted within domestic structures. My empirical analysis in the case of the Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency reveals important evidence demonstrating the influence of (i) shared normative values, mostly constituted by the foreign policy elite's intersubjective understanding of Turkey's historical roots and cultural ties in the region and (ii) material interests, favored through the “trading state” and framed by the convergence of principled and causal beliefs on policy change. Ideas matter in foreign policymaking when a set of contingent conditions is satisfied: (i) A small group of recognized foreign policy elite has shared normative beliefs and (ii) an enabling political environment exists, particularly a majority government facilitating foreign policy appointments to key positions so that a window of opportunity is provided for policy entrepreneurship.
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| 19 |
ID:
139217
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The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) was founded in 1974 in response to the Indian nuclear test in order to prevent nuclear proliferation by controlling nuclear exports. In 2008, the NSG exempted India from its full-scope safeguards (FSS) condition, making it the first country to be allowed to have nuclear trade with NSG members while retaining its nuclear weapons program. India won this waiver after tough negotiations and having resisted tough nonproliferation conditions. India is now bidding for NSG membership. This paper analyses the prospects for the membership in light of the waiver negotiations and how the waiver negotiations can guide us in assessing the likely path of the membership negotiations. This study concludes that India will resist any conditions and the US and India have to invest massive diplomatic efforts to reach a formula that addresses the nonproliferation concerns of member states.
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| 20 |
ID:
137210
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| Summary/Abstract |
The international relations (IR) discipline is known as an ‘American Social Science’ dominated by scholars and theories from the US core. This paper compares IR in two noncore settings, China and Europe. It shows that there is a growing institutional and intellectual integration into global Anglophone, mostly American, IR in both Europe and China. Both Chinese and European IR communities have established top Anglophone journals like the European Journal of International Relations and the Chinese Journal of International Politics to spearhead their integration into mainstream Anglophone IR and carve out a space for regional thinking. Yet, the analysis of their publication and citation patterns shows that IR outside the American core communicates through a hub-and-spokes system where there is always a connection to the American core but rarely very strong linkages to other peripheral regions. The two journals studied thus function as outlets for ‘local’ and American scholars, rely on ‘local’ and American sources, and there is very little integration and exchange between Chinese and European IR. Chinese and European IR would benefit from such a dialogue, especially regarding ‘schools’ of IR at the margins of an ‘American social science’.
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