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| 1 |
ID:
165741
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent decades (the ‗post-heroic‘ condition) - threats of widespread selective conscientious objection have become a political tool to advance opposing political agendas in Israel. This article examines attitudes amongst the Israeli public concerning the legitimacy of demands that different groups of soldiers be exempted from military operations to which they are ideologically opposed (such as serving in the occupied territories or, conversely, participating in evacuation of settlements). The results point to a multi-cultural model embracing diversity management not as a neo-liberal ideal but rather as a strategy for co-option, containment and inclusion, with a view to preserving the “people's army” model.
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| 2 |
ID:
187560
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At the time of writing, Israel is preparing for its third general elections in 18 months. In popular and media discourse, this ongoing political crisis has been labelled a ‘Gordian knot’. It is a reflection of a political reality that seems unsolvable: A stalemate between the political camps in Israel in which neither side is capable of achieving an outright victory to form a stable parliamentary coalition and receive the Knesset’s authorisation to form a government.
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| 3 |
ID:
149181
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| Summary/Abstract |
When Benjamin Netanyahu announced the intention to dissolve his government, paving the way for general elections less than two years after winning the 2013 elections, many critics and commentators expressed indifference, if not fatigue. The general impression, in the days following the legislators’ decision to dissolve the 19th Knesset, was that the upcoming election was ‘pointless’.
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| 4 |
ID:
163292
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the reactions of Israel’s academic elite to the 1977 political upheaval. Some of Israel’s leading scholars in humanities and social sciences framed the new political situation as a grave ideological and moral crisis, reflecting the triumph of fundamentalist, nationalist, emotional and messianic trends over the rational, moderate, responsible political tradition that they had favoured and claimed to represent. The political change triggered a heated debate about the role of intellectuals in the ideological rehabilitation of the Labour party, as well as on the critical function of universities in the political arena. In the wake of what it perceived as a sharp deviation from the proper development of the traditional Zionist programme, the academic elite came to be perceived, in its own eyes as well as those of the public, as a faithful representative of the ‘old regime’, as an opponent to the new governmental elite and, for the first time, as an ideological opposition to Israel’s political hegemony.
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| 5 |
ID:
187564
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This article examines the discourse of the Israeli Left in the years preceding the succession of general elections in 2019–21, with a focus on claims of the purported threats to democracy presented by the right-wing government. Rhetorical analysis of opinion pieces and political commentary in the press on issues relating to education, science, and culture shows recurrent use of appeals to fear – such as comparisons with totalitarian regimes and invocation of other dystopian spectres resulting from nationalist indoctrination and processes of ‘religionization’. This article defines the appeal to fear and other forms of the Left’s identity claims making during this period as moral panic discourse, around which the Left sought to revive its relevance in the public debate at a time when it was viewed as a marginal political force in ideological decline. The article’s main argument is that while the labelling of the Right as a ‘danger to democracy’ has been entrenched in leftist discourse since the 1977 ‘Upheaval’, during the period in discussion it became the principal – almost sole – theme in leftist publicist discourse, serving as a flag issue around which the Left reorganised its identity as the ‘democratic camp’.
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| 6 |
ID:
139245
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that Israeli documentary cinema represents Judea and Samaria as an oriental space. An analysis of some prominent films reveals common conventions used by filmmakers in the cinematic representations of the region. These conventions establish a series of distinctions between ‘here’ and ‘there’, such as domestic versus foreigner, familiarity versus strangeness, safety versus danger, and belonging versus alienation. The orientalization of Judea and Samaria is considered here as a rhetorical strategy that enables filmmakers to perform a cultural construction of the region as a colonized landscape.
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| 7 |
ID:
163283
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| 8 |
ID:
137550
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| Summary/Abstract |
Political campaigns running during the Israeli general elections of 2013 saw a rapidly growing use of new media. According to reports, most of the electronic campaign activity focused on candidates' or their respective party's Facebook page. This article explores the rhetorical dimensions of electronic campaigns and particularly focuses on the formation of the public image of three candidate, all of whom were identified with the promise of a ‘new politics’: Yair Lapid, head of the newly formed ‘middle class party’ Yesh Atid; Shelly Yachimovich, head of the Israeli Labour Party; and Naftali Bennett, newly elected head of the religious Zionist party, Habayit Hayehudi. The rhetorical analysis uncovers three discursive strategies used by all three candidates: informality, meta-textuality and narrativity. These discursive strategies transform the campaign microblogs into personal ‘campaign diaries’ used by the candidates to account for ‘behind the scenes’ anecdotes, impressions and insights. The analysis shows that candidates used personal Facebook microblogs to strengthen their image as authentic and complex characters, rather than mediated personas engineered by campaign managers. This article argues that such political images were strategically designed in order to support the campaigns' promise to break from the ‘old politics’ and warrant the candidates' commitment to the ‘new politics’.
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