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| 1 |
ID:
145663
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| Summary/Abstract |
‘Come, Make in India’, India’s Prime Minister has invited global firms to invest and manufacture in India and also to promote exports. As with this campaign, India has given a scope of promising growth to the companies which is also been seen to solve India’s multiple economic problems. Many countries have shown their interest to invest in India and one of them is South Korea. Now the question arises whether companies from South Korea in this competitive environment can mark their presence in India—a nation of cultural diversity, which can affect the initial start-ups, if ignored. Apart from the historical cultural ties, there are cross-cultural differences between South Korea and India. So, this paper aims to build up a study that brings together the parity and cross-cultural differences between South Korea and India. The paper opens with the discussion about the various historical, cultural and poetic relations to describe the scenario between the two countries, whereas for the analysis, a macro-meso-micro framework has been used to answer the research question. The three-level analysis helps this paper to see the overlooked influence of culture from a broader perspective. The results of the study reveal a list of cultural adaptations suited for South Korean start-ups to run businesses in India by avoiding the cultural threats and contribute to the existing literature. The study findings could be used by companies, marketers and practitioners to devise and re-vamp their strategies in India, and it will also serve as a cultural guide for them.
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| 2 |
ID:
144509
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| 3 |
ID:
157561
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| 4 |
ID:
141034
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| 5 |
ID:
138369
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| Summary/Abstract |
The serenity of global peace and development can only be roped in via the unflinching commitment towards the positives of Economic Diplomacy and on the contrary the global governance should check and mitigate the concerns and devils of Economic diplomacy.
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| 6 |
ID:
148493
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article, set in the tradition of analysing the domestic inputs to foreign policy, explores the interface of federalism and the making and execution of foreign policy in India by looking at six case studies drawn from the United Progressive Alliance UPA (2004–2014) and the National Democratic Alliance NDA-II (2014 onwards) periods. Although the Indian Constitution has vested the power to conduct foreign policy almost exclusively in the Union government, serious differences between the two layers of government in the Indian federation have never been unknown altogether. However, it is argued here that the twin developments of the 1990s, that is, rise of coalition governments at the central level and introduction of neoliberal reforms in the Indian economy, enabled States to deepen their footprints in the foreign policy arena. In conclusion, the article attempts a comparison of the two regimes’ performances in handling the issues concerned and asserts that instead of depending on ad hoc political management skills, these developments should be addressed through devising some new mechanism to achieve effective consultations between the Centre and the States on the foreign policy front.
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| 7 |
ID:
137871
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is an overwhelming sentiment in the Indian defence establishment that by roping in premier institutions like the Indian Institutes of Technology (IIT), the research and development challenges in crucial areas like defence and aviation would be met. While it makes perfect sense theoretically, the outcome so far has been anything but successful.
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| 8 |
ID:
137875
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| Summary/Abstract |
An explosives-laden Pakistani trawler blew itself up in the early hours of 1 January 2015 after being intercepted by the Indian Coast Guard in the Arabian Sea about 365 km off Porbandar, Gujarat. It has been reported that the operations commenced after ‘actionable intelligence’ was received, around 0830 hours on 31 December 2014 with a Coast Guard Dornier aircraft flying to the location, detecting the boat and monitoring its activity for more than 16 hours by another two aircraft before a Coast Guard Ship, fortunately operating in the area, could reach the location by 2300 hrs
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| 9 |
ID:
142684
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| Summary/Abstract |
In spite of spending close to Rs 500,000 crore on capital acquisitions between 2002–03 and 2014–15, the Indian Armed Forces continue to suffer from a chronic shortage of equipment and ammunition, low levels of serviceability of equipment already in service, and a heavy dependence on imports. The procurement programmes keep getting stalled or take inordinately long to fructify. There are several reasons for this morass; the primary ones being disjointed defence planning, limited budgetary support for modernisation of the armed forces, procedural complexities, and bureaucratic indolence. Of these, the factor that receives the greatest attention is the procedural complexity besetting defence procurements. The Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) was first promulgated in 2002 and has been revised several times thereafter by the Ministry of Defence (MoD), in consultation with the users and the industry, but the problems, whether real or perceived, have persisted. More than a year into its five-year term, the present government set up a Committee of Experts (CoE) to address this problem holistically, against the backdrop of its ‘Make in India’ drive. This article presents a perspective on the report of the Committee and ends with a broad approach for phased implementation of the acceptable recommendations of the Committee.
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| 10 |
ID:
153116
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative is a grand plan to connect Asia, Europe and East Africa
economically. However, from India’s point of view, China’s attempt at what it describes as geo-economic
expansion appears as a geopolitical threat because of China’s activity in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).
This essay assesses the extent to which OBOR is (i) realistic and achievable, (ii) a genuine threat to India
and (iii) amenable to possible Indian involvement. It concludes that India should continue to be wary of
its neighbour in national security terms, but has no option but to cooperate with China economically by
participating in OBOR if it seriously wishes to increase economic growth and bring the ‘Make in India’ and
Sagarmala projects to fruition. In particular, India should seriously consider allowing Chinese companies
to develop one or more Indian ports with associated infrastructure and manufacturing
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| 11 |
ID:
138374
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| Summary/Abstract |
The two largest democracies of the World, India and the United States of America climbed few notches higher in reinforcing their bilateral relations after the U.S. President Barack Obama’s visit to India as Chief Guest on January 26, 2015 Republic Day Parade. The visit became important as several bilateral agreements got signed which are likely to give a boost to Modi Government’s flagship programme ‘Make in India’.
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| 12 |
ID:
143997
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| Summary/Abstract |
India’s Act East policy and Prime Minister Modi’s Make in India drive coincide with the shifts in the Japanese post-war security policy and the April 2014 easing of the self-imposed arms export ban. Departure in Japan’s policy position on transfer of defence equipment and technology has raised India’s hopes about new vistas of high-end defence technology cooperation.
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| 13 |
ID:
149553
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Ananta Aspen Centre, 2016.
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| Description |
168p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788193283509
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058916 | 337.54/JOY 058916 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
154644
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| 15 |
ID:
161795
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| Summary/Abstract |
The contours of India-Vietnam relations in general and defence collaboration, in particular, have received a major boost since the National Democratic Alliance (NDA-II) government assumed its position at the helm of affairs in May 2014. An important edifice of bilateral defence cooperation is the ‘Make in India’ scheme, introduced in September 2014, with the principal rationale of elevating India’s image as an attractive global investment destination.
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| 16 |
ID:
138642
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| Summary/Abstract |
India chooses Russian Ka-226T as LUH: In May 2015, India's Defence Acquisition Council approved a major raft of deals on a non-tender basis for its armed forces, which included the Ka-226T light helicopter made by Russian Helicopters. The company said that it is yet to receive official communication from the Indian side regarding the deal. The DAC’s decision does not mean that a contract will be concluded immediately. Rosoboronexport, in partnership with Russian Helicopters will, on the Russian side, enact the contract for the delivery of helicopters under the ‘Make in India’ programme, and the helicopters will be produced by Russian Helicopters’ Kumertau Aviation Production Enterprise.
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| 17 |
ID:
137859
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| Summary/Abstract |
This edition of Aero India 2015 was all about Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘Make in India’. The government has given private companies a level playing field in defence manufacturing, which until now was biased towards the public sector units. However, despite the partnerships with the foreign companies, it is unlikely that these private companies could manufacture high technology products in the near term, especially in the aerospace sector. The Indian industry must emphasise on research and development within the country to realise the ‘Make in India’ dream.
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| 18 |
ID:
187349
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| Summary/Abstract |
With INR 107.45 billion ($1.54 billion) worth of arms exports and export authorisations in 2018–2019, India realised its biggest annual defence export ambition to date. Breaking into the world’s top 25 defence exporters for the first time, India has set its goal even higher, with a target of INR 300 billion ($5 billion) in defence exports by 2025. Can India achieve the goal and join the ranks of major arms exporting countries? What would it take for India to realise its defence export goal? And what has India done to achieve it? The paper examines India’s recent defence export performance and, in so doing, it probes various reform initiatives taken by the Indian government to promote international arms sales. The article argues that India has a significant domestic arms manufacturing capability, which, if harnessed properly, could propel the country as a significant player in the global arms bazaar.
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| 19 |
ID:
187199
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| 20 |
ID:
154375
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| Summary/Abstract |
The vibrant defence industrial base of DPSUs, OFs and R&S that has existed for decades has not produced the desired results; though there has been success in many fields, predominantly in space ventures, defence manufacturing is not one of them. A low plateau has been maintained in gaining self-reliance in defence production, the reasons for which are many. Can India usher in an era of transformation and self-reliance indefence production with the Prime Minister's call for make in India supported by the introduction of new policies, thus leading to a shift in focus from being import-dependent to a global exporter in its own right? the answers to this and other questions can be found only if all facets of the problem are examined.
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