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| 1 |
ID:
076578
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| 2 |
ID:
061875
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| 3 |
ID:
133960
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates how a collective memory of trauma was produced in the course of commemorating the 2-28 Incident in the context of the 2004 election campaign, and how this memory production led to the parallel formation of a Taiwanese national identity. The 2-28 Hand-in-Hand Rally was designed to remember the 2-28 Incident as a historical trauma in order to be forgotten. The remembering of the 2-28 Incident must be regarded as a constructive process as opposed to a retrieval process. The memory of the 2-28 Incident was selectively constituted in favor of sovereign power.
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| 4 |
ID:
064851
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| 5 |
ID:
084845
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| 6 |
ID:
127684
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A working democratic set-up provides ample space to mitigate the tensions in a society to a large extent. Unfortunately, democracy could not work in Jammu and Kashmir the way it is expected to work in a free society. Denial of democracy and misgovernance became almost an accepted way of political life in the state, which became one of the main reasons of the rise of militancy in the state. The 2011 panchayat elections provide the best opportunity to restore the confidence of the people in the democratic set-up by empowering the elected representatives in a real sense and bringing more and more people into the democratic setup. It also poses a great challenge to the government as far as fulfilling the democratic aspirations of the common people who have whole heartedly participated in this democratic exercise at the local level.
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| 7 |
ID:
117981
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2011, throngs of protesters took to the streets, often at great risk to their lives, to challenge the results of undemocratic elections across the globe-in Bahrain, Benin, Egypt, Haiti, Morocco, Nicaragua, Nigeria, and Russia. Outside of elections, pro-democracy protests also took place in 2011 in Cameroon, Libya, Malaysia, Swaziland, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen, among other countries.
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| 8 |
ID:
132343
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In spite of all the difficulties, the November 2013 elections in Nepal passed off for the most part peacefully and with fewer irregularities than ever before in Nepal. The electoral system was the same as the system used in 2008, with a combination of First Past the Post and Proportional Representation. The results were a defeat for the Maoists, who went from being the biggest single party to the third biggest party. The victors were the two older established parties, the Nepali Congress and the Unified Marxist-Leninists, who seem to have benefitted from the voters dissatisfaction with the Maoists' showing in government. The second big losers in the election were the parties who favoured an ethnic-based solution to Nepal's problems, though the relationship between the Madheshis and the centre remains an unsolved problem.
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| 9 |
ID:
129894
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite resulting in a different party configuration, the results of the 2013 Israeli general election support a similar agenda to the one set by the previous government. A year following its establishment, all indicators suggest that the current government continues to deepen neoliberal policies. Nevertheless, this election reflects two important trends: first, an ever growing discontent in Israeli public that probably would not find a solution during the tenure of the incoming government; second, lack of interest in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that might generate negative long-term consequences.
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| 10 |
ID:
030057
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| Publication |
s.l., Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, 1966.
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| Description |
102p.pbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 004954 | 947.0853/LAV 004954 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
086905
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The organisers of the lawyers' movement for the restoration and independence of the judiciary, could not have been accused of niggardliness in promising rewards to the people. From an end to police excesses and loadshedding to the elimination of corruption, unemployment and poverty, the wishlist had a cure for every major social affliction.
But as time passes, the public will discover the virtues of realism and learn to absorb the shocks of disappointment. Except for their expectations of a radical improvement in the justice system in terms that have a meaning for ordinary citizens, especially the poor and the marginalised, the other promises may well remain unfulfilled.
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| 12 |
ID:
123843
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through an examination of American policy toward Germany during late 1918 to 1919, this article challenges widely held ideas about the attitudes of American President Woodrow Wilson toward democracy promotion. Scholars typically have seen in Wilson's foreign policy the antecedents of several subsequent U.S. presidents' policies of democracy promotion and democratic interventionism. This study contends that at least during the second half of Wilson's presidency, however, Wilson did not regard it as appropriate for the United States to intervene in the internal political affairs of other nations to promote democracy. While he hoped that postwar Germany would come to embrace democracy, he believed that the Germans would have to find democracy on their own. Despite the fact that those American diplomatic officials who were most familiar with the situation in Germany continually urged a more active U.S. policy to promote democracy there, Wilson remained deeply skeptical of the new German government and adhered firmly to the view that the United States should refrain from attempting to influence Germany's internal political affairs.
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| 13 |
ID:
024530
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1974.
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| Description |
xvii, 398p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
674001753
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 014655 | 951.042/EAS 014655 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
115492
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| 15 |
ID:
080497
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For emerging democracies, how to reach state-society equilibriums conducive to both democratization and effective governance has been a most challenging issue. Illustrating such a predicament, in present-day Taiwan a situation of 'divided government' has been widely regarded in the literature as implying frequent legislative-executive stalemate and ineffective governance. In this article, we argue that while power games among the three conventional branches of government - the executive, legislature, and judiciary - may continue to produce a governmental stalemate equilibrium, the entry of increasingly important media and interest group players into the policy-making arena in Taiwan has shown strong potential to make up for the institutional failing of divided government. Drawing on the adoption process of the 2001 Financial Holding Company Law, we examine the conditions under which effective governance can still be achieved in Taiwan. Our analysis shows that concerted media pressure can succeed in forcing Taiwan's major parties to jointly pursue beneficial legislation. The analysis also suggests that interest group involvement in Taiwanese policy-making does not necessarily lead to crippling 'regulatory capture' but, on the contrary, can entail welfare enhancing change
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| 16 |
ID:
104114
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article deals with the connection between nationality and democracy and explores the role Switzerland plays in the scholarly debate on this question. It identifies three main theses - liberal-nationalist, liberal-multinationalist and liberal-postnationalist - and shows that each of them uses the Swiss case to claim empirical support. It then analyses the connections between nationality and democracy in Switzerland and demonstrates that the country is neither multinational nor postnational, but is best characterised as a mononational state. These findings expose the fallacy of using Switzerland to claim support for either the multinational or the postnational thesis and call for a reconsideration of them. Additionally, they show that "civic nationalism" and "civic republicanism" can be conflated and that a predominantly civic nation is viable and sustainable and is not necessarily an ethnic nation in disguise. The Swiss case thus provides qualified empirical support for the liberal-nationalist thesis.
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| 17 |
ID:
044224
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| Publication |
New York, Oxford University Press, 1972.
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| Description |
x, 196p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 011347 | 321/MAC 011347 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
059006
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| 19 |
ID:
070907
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Hamas's recent victory in the Palestinian elections and renewed sectarian violence in Iraq have raised questions about the future of democracy promotion among even its most ardent supporters. Yet, although the means by which democracy is promoted should be constantly revisited, the goal should be preserved.
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| 20 |
ID:
118972
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
An influential literature has demonstrated that legislative transparency can improve the performance of parliamentarians in democracies. In a democracy, the incentive for improved performance is created by voters' responses to newly available information. Building on this work, donor projects have begun to export transparency interventions to authoritarian regimes under the assumption that nongovernmental organizations and the media can substitute for the incentives created by voters. Such interventions, however, are at odds with an emerging literature that argues that authoritarian parliaments primarily serve the role of co-optation and limited power sharing, where complaints can be raised in a manner that does not threaten regime stability. We argue that under these conditions, transparency may have perverse effects, and we test this theory with a randomized experiment on delegate behavior in query sessions in Vietnam, a single-party authoritarian regime. We find no evidence of a direct effect of the transparency treatment on delegate performance; however, further analysis reveals that delegates subjected to high treatment intensity demonstrate robust evidence of curtailed participation and damaged reelection prospects. These results make us cautious about the export of transparency without electoral sanctioning.
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