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| 1 |
ID:
137457
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article highlights the applicability of benchmarking methodologies to the shipbuilding industry, and how these could be utilized to improve the competitiveness of shipyards to enable delivery of cost-effective naval ships. Cost continues to be a major factor that characterizes the competitiveness of shipbuilding, and is cited as the main reason for the industry having moved from Europe to Asia over the last two decades. The author examines in detail the benchmarking system most commonly used by USA, Europe, Japan, South Korea and the UK, and brings out the advantages accrued as a result of the implementation of the recommendations of focused studies. He then analyses the various issues that plague Indian shipyards, especially the Defence Public Sector Units (DPSUs), and posits how benchmarking studies similar to those undertaken by leading shipbuilding nations elsewhere could help improve the Indian naval shipbuilding industry.
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| 2 |
ID:
137461
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study attempts to profile China’s biological warfare programme (BWP), with special reference to biological weapons (BW) capabilities that exist in facilities affiliated with the defence establishment and the military. For that purpose, a wide variety of facilities affiliated with the defence establishment and with the military are reviewed and profiled. The outcome of that analysis points at 12 facilities affiliated with the defence establishment, plus 30 facilities affiliated with the PLA, that are involved in research, development, production, testing or storage of BW. This huge alignment might be regarded as superfluous, ostensibly; yet, considering the various factors discussed in the present study, the overall derived picture of the Chinese BW-related alignment is not at all surprising. The chances that an outstanding state like China would ignore new avenues of BW designing and deployment are a priori slim, if any. China, in all likelihood, is and will persist as a paramount BW possessor.
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| 3 |
ID:
137436
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Peace support operations (PSO)–counter-insurgency (COIN) operations are different and often significantly more complex than conventional operations. Such a complexity places greater demand on military leaders both at the tactical and operational levels. The diversity of tasks and threats, primacy of politics and the decentralized nature of PSO–COIN operations have serious implications for both junior and senior leaders. Although the fundamental leadership attributes for both conventional and PSO–COIN operations are timeless and common, in order to be successful in a PSO–COIN environment, military leaders should be more adept in certain attributes. This article, based on several case studies and a survey of military officers, shows that military leaders who possess and develop seven leadership attributes—adaptability, judgement, sociability, resoluteness, empathy, independence and knowledge/experience—are more likely to be successful at the tactical and operational levels in PSO– COIN.
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| 4 |
ID:
137462
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| Summary/Abstract |
At a time when the battlefield has been progressively transforming from the conventional to unconventional, the role of Special Forces will become critical in shaping its outcome. Conflicts in the past decade have established the primacy of such forces. Their role has evolved and today special operations are meant to be decisive and achieve strategic objectives. The Indian security establishment has also been taking notice of these changes and by and large making right moves. As India embarks on the path of high economic growth and becomes a power to reckon with, its troubled neighborhood poses the biggest challenge to it. The role of Special Forces will thus be critical in outwitting adversaries’ moves in the neighborhood and areas of India’s strategic interests, and in promoting India’s security.
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| 5 |
ID:
137443
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| Summary/Abstract |
The USS Enterprise naval task group entry into the Indian Ocean during the closing stages of 1971 Indo-Pak Conflict led to further deterioration in the relations between India and the United States (US), and this estrangement lasted until the end of the Cold War. The US couched this show of force under the rubric of ensuring safety of American personnel caught up in a war zone. In India, however, this was seen as a coercive attempt to prop up a genocidal military regime. Using recently declassified official records from both sides, additional scholarly works on the 1971 conflict, and in light of the rapprochement in Indo-US relations, the article attempts to deconstruct the rhetoric and reality of this incident. It examines the prevailing politico-strategic environment, roles of diplomatic-military apparatus of major players, the mechanics of the naval deployment, and provides lessons for historical re-interpretation and the utility of seapower in the contemporary context.
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| 6 |
ID:
137453
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Bay of Bengal region is now growing in economic and strategic importance. The good economic prospects of many Bay of Bengal states are making the region a cockpit for Asian growth and a key economic connector between East and South Asia. This article looks at strategic developments in the Bay of Bengal and their implications for our understanding of the Indo-Pacific. It argues that the Bay of Bengal needs to be understood as a region with its own particular strategic dynamics and issues. The area is fast becoming a key zone of strategic competition in Asia and is of vital strategic importance to India.
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| 7 |
ID:
137435
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| Summary/Abstract |
Three months after the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was swept to power at the centre in the general elections held in April–May 2014 to the 16th Lok Sabha (the lower house of the Indian Parliament), the Standing Committee on Defence was constituted under the chairmanship of Major General B.C. Khanduri (Retd.), former Chief Minister of the northern state of Uttarakhand and a prominent member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is the main constituent of the NDA.
The Committee opened its account with a report on the action taken by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) on the recommendations made by the Standing Committee on Defence of the 15th Lok Sabha on MoD’s Demands for Grant (DGs) for the year 2013–14. This article examines the new Committee’s approach to looking at the issues that had engaged the attention of the Committee in the past
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