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| 1 |
ID:
182289
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| 2 |
ID:
151847
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author vividly records his impressions of life in the Western Aden Protectorate in the 1960s during the years leading up to the independence of the territory in 1967. As a political officer advising various Arab tribal leaders he describes how his responsibilities could range far wider than the provisions of the Advisory Treaties, and he offers personal conclusions about the collapse of British and Arab authority resulting, in his view, from a misguided attempt to turn tribal sheikhs into a coalition of Indian rulers, creating the shaky structure of a Federal government that collapsed in the face of rag-tag opposition from nationalist activists.
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| 3 |
ID:
186313
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| Summary/Abstract |
Numerous studies have examined the decades-old Saudi-Iranian rivalry, which has played out in various regional arenas, notably Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and the Gulf. This article explores the place that Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq occupies within this rivalry. As the KRG’s foreign relations have attracted scholarly attention since the late 1990s, the article examines the Saudi Arabia–KRG relations in the post-2003 Iraq War, with a special focus on growing Iranian influence in Iraq. The end of Saddam Hussein’s rule and the subsequent rise of Shiite-dominated governments in Baghdad has shaken the regional balance, bringing out Iran as an influential actor in the Middle East. This laid the foundation for new understandings in the Saudi regional policy as Riyadh emphasized its relations with Iraq and the KRG, which became a crucial factor that can balance and imbalance power in the Middle East. It argues that common concerns for security and relative gains paved the way for a closer relationship between Riyadh and Erbil to counter threats emanating from both Iran and ISIS. Through case-specific information to those interested in Kurdish politics and the Middle East, it not only delves into the driving forces behind Riyadh-Erbil relations but also aims to present the Saudi interpretation of the 2017 Kurdish referendum.
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| 4 |
ID:
164399
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on an extensive study of archival records, this article shows how a series of episodes in the history of the Trucial Coast — today’s United Arab Emirates (UAE) — helped to shape the direction of the area’s history. At face value, the island of al-Zorah appeared to have little to offer, but it nevertheless figured in the ambitions of the Wahhābīs, local rulers and the British, all of whom coveted it for one reason or another; the outcome of their struggles helped to set the seal on the future configuration of the UAE. While the article provides a valuable insight into Great Britain’s role in the area, it also reveals regional rivalries and inter-tribal tensions that still exist in the region today. However, the coming together of the UAE and Saudi Arabia, and their need to show solidarity in the face of current challenges, have obscured the historical differences that the story of al-Zorah represents.
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| 5 |
ID:
128738
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since I now live in the Gulf, it was a happy coincidence that found me in Portsmouth on 16th July 2013 and therefore able to attend the Centenary Party; and what a splendid affairs it was. I must have taken much work to prepare and I'm sure members will join me in thanking everyone involved.
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| 6 |
ID:
107941
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| 7 |
ID:
041274
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| Publication |
London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson Ltd., 1980.
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| Description |
ix, 530p.
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| Standard Number |
0297777599
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 019320 | 338.953/KEL 019320 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
191727
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that transregional communication mechanisms and the diffusion of narratives are important co-drivers towards autocratization. Offering a look beyond the ‘material’ in the study of global authoritarianism, it makes two conceptual arguments. It shows show transregional authoritarian practices are often discursively reinforced. Moreover, it demonstrates how narratives and their transregional diffusion are a form of authoritarian image management and a tool for fostering authoritarian stability. Departing from the basic assumption of authoritarian diffusion, the article is guided by two questions: which narratives of supremacy are used by the Chinese government in the context of the pandemic? And how are these narratives received, reproduced and contested in the Gulf? Based on a qualitative analysis of more than 3,000 media outlets (March–May 2020) from China and the Gulf region, the article shows how China strategically promotes authoritarian narratives regarding its international role, by telling stories of supremacy and heroism and by narratively conjuring a new world order. Moreover, it shows how the Chinese narratives are diffused to Iran, Saudi-Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar and depicts the different patterns of reception, reproduction and contestation.
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| 9 |
ID:
049678
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Emirates Centre for Strategic Studies and Research, 1996.
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| Description |
35p.
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Occassional paper series; no.6
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039328 | 327.172/KAT 039328 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 040494 | 327.172/KAT 040494 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
050592
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| Publication |
Emirates Centre for Strategic Studies and Research, 1996.
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| Description |
35p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 043693 | 327.172/KAL 043693 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
105672
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| 12 |
ID:
164397
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This article examines the ways in which Bidūn (stateless) poets negotiate and contest their placement within dominant narratives of national literary history in Kuwait. The article offers an analytical overview of the dominant modalities in which national literary history in Kuwait has been conceived as it relates to questions of national beginnings, periodization and the placement of stateless poets. Read against the existing modalities, the article analyzes the Bidūn poet Saʿdiyya Mufarriḥ’s The Cameleers of Clouds and Estrangement (2007) as a revisionist account of national literary history that opposes the exclusion of Bidūn writers. This is achieved by an emphasis on the inclusivity of literary and cultural affiliation over the exclusivity of limiting notions of official national belonging. A critical analysis of the arena of national literary history writing in Kuwait aims to offer a novel perspective on how notions of national belonging are being renegotiated from the margins.
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| 13 |
ID:
148666
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Indiscriminate killing, chemical warfare, the rise of extremists, and the worst humanitarian crisis since World War II make it easy to overlook important details of the Syrian conflict. The destabilization of Syria has created an environment uniquely suited for cultivating illicit economies, particularly the production and transportation of illegal drugs such as Captagon. Little known outside of the Middle East until 2014, Captagon production in Syria adds a new dimension to a conflict that already has numerous competing forces. Hezbollah, a known supporter of the Assad regime and ally of Iran, is most likely the major producer of Captagon within Syria. Meanwhile, the most prolific consumers of Captagon are in the Gulf nations of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. While the Gulf states’ governments are supporting the Syrian opposition against the Assad regime, their populations are financially supporting the Hezbollah and Assad. This article defines Captagon, uncovers its journey to Syria, and unpacks the evidence indicating Hezbollah’s involvement in the Captagon trade. Nations of the Gulf need to bolster their partnerships with Western allies to put an end to illegal drug financing through acknowledgement, education, and increased enforcement.
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| 14 |
ID:
086790
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One needs only glance at a map to see that Saudi Arabia and the small Gulf Emirates would have a great deal to fear from a nuclear-armed Iran seeking to extend its influence beyond its borders. The open identification of these states with a perceived Sunni Arab interest in the region might be expected to further exacerbate fear of Iran and a desire to counter its ambitions. Fear of Iran certainly does exist in these countries.
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| 15 |
ID:
141551
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| Summary/Abstract |
The events of the past five years have put an intense strain [1] on the relationship between the United States and its traditional partners in the Arab world, particularly the countries that belong to the Gulf Cooperation Council: Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. As popular revolts have flared up across the Middle East, civil wars have broken out, and the regional order has become increasingly vulnerable, leaders in Washington and in Arab capitals have often had starkly different reactions. Meanwhile, most of the GCC countries have watched nervously—and sometimes angrily [2]—as the United States has negotiated with their bitter rival, Iran, over an agreement to limit the Iranian nuclear program.
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| 16 |
ID:
129754
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| Publication |
2014.
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Strategy is often about choices and those made in the 2015 Strategic Defence and Security Review will have significant implications for the future of UK defence and wider national security. The US has already made profound choices in this regard: it is rebalancing to East Asia. The implications for the UK, both as a US partner and a major European military power, include the possibility of deeper engagement with the Middle East and North Africa. Doug Stokes and Paul Newton examine the UK's nascent 'east of Suez' initiative, its key interests as well as the geopolitical drivers, dangers and opportunities involved. As the US seeks greater burden-sharing from its European allies, should the UK bridge the Gulf?
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| 17 |
ID:
100513
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| 18 |
ID:
184926
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| 19 |
ID:
169825
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| Summary/Abstract |
“[N]ew forms of governance in the Gulf work through identity projects that include (and often co-opt) difference to gain legitimacy.” Third in a series on ways of governing.
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| 20 |
ID:
161447
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| Summary/Abstract |
India's relations with the Gulf countries started to flourish in the 1990s after India succeeded in de-hyphenating Pakistan from its policy toward the Gulf. Though Pakistan remained a factor as it continued to raise Kashmir and internal situation in India at multilateral forums such as OIC to evoke anti-India sentiments, it did not remain an underlying factor in as was the case during the Cold War era. In the contemporary dynamics, when India-Gulf relations are progressing toward strategic partnerships, Pakistan has re-emerged as a factor but its nature has changed. As highlighted in the joint statements issued during the Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visits to the Gulf countries since May 2014, India can now put pressure on Pakistan by highlighting its policy of sponsoring terrorism. This was evident when the Arab Gulf countries condemned the Pathankot (January 2016) and Uri (September 2016) terrorist attacks. India's relations with the Arab Gulf and other Middle Eastern countries are independent of their engagements with Pakistan and India-Pakistan tension, but New Delhi has stepped up efforts to raise the issue of cross-border terrorism and use of religion to incite terror activities against India during its engagements with these countries. It underlines the growing convergence between India and Arab Gulf countries over regional issues and the ability of India to isolate Pakistan over issues related to terrorism.
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