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| 1 |
ID:
151544
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the winter of 2014, two months before the events in Crimea, when it was already clear that the confrontation with the West was getting increasingly tense, I read again Leo Tolstoy's War and Peace. I was struck by a phrase that had not caught my attention before: "A battle is won by those who firmly resolve to win it." I realized then that Russia would resolve and win.
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| 2 |
ID:
156164
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| 3 |
ID:
152237
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| 4 |
ID:
168902
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2016 Peace Agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People's Army (the FARC-EP or FARC) commits to reforming political participation, especially of traditionally marginalized sectors throughout the country to consolidate Colombian democracy. While the Peace Agreement provides implementation mechanisms that support the insurgency's transition from armed group to political party, it also complements the FARC's political strategy that has traditionally maintained consistency. This article argues that the 2016 Peace Agreement has the potential to enhance democratic, political, and societal participation by engaging with FARC in two key ways—by attempting to reconcile key FARC grievances and containing specific mechanisms that increase participation of traditionally marginalized groups in Colombia. This article argues that the Agreement has impacted positively on FARC's political participation and given it incentives to pursue its political strategy democratically. Likewise, the Agreement has provided a positive-sum outcome for the Colombian government to strengthen its democratic legitimacy by placing emphasis on structural reform.
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| 5 |
ID:
149333
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A number of scholars successfully modeled and predicted presidential nomination outcomes from 1996–2008. However, dramatic changes occurred in subsequent years that would seem to make replicating these results challenging at best. Building on those earlier studies, we utilize a series of OLS models that included measures of preprimary resources and early campaign successes or failures to forecast that Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump would win the Democratic and Republican presidential nominations in 2016. This outcome suggests that some fundamental factors governing nomination outcomes have not changed despite the conventional wisdom.
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| 6 |
ID:
153441
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author analyzes the main features and directions of China's foreign policy in 2016. The trend shows Beijing's desire to play an ever greater role in global management, for which it uses "summit diplomacy" and the initiative of interaction in the format of the overland and maritime Silk Roads. The author also examines the situation around disputes on the South China Sea and the PRC's relations with the U.S.A. and the RF.
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| 7 |
ID:
181747
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| Summary/Abstract |
Pola Roupa’s arrest in 2016 was the final nail in the coffin of Revolutionary Struggle, the first guerrilla group to emerge on Greece’s terrorist landscape after the 2002 collapse of 17 November, the country’s premier terrorist organisation for almost three decades and one of Europe’s longest-running terror gangs. Drawing on the judicial investigation findings, courtroom testimonies, RS communiqués and interviews with counter-terrorism officials, this article tells the story of Pola Roupa, the first female leader of a Greek terrorist group in an attempt to understand the political reasons and motivational factors that led to her involvement in terrorism. At the same time, the article hopefully contributes to the study and understanding of women and terrorism by providing an insight into the role and experience of a female militant inside Greece’s gender-conservative and overwhelmingly male-dominated armed struggle movement.
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| 8 |
ID:
164839
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to rekindle the debate on the politics of aid in the increasingly common – yet still under-studied – authoritarian and low-intensity conflict settings, detailing the case of Ethiopia in 2016, when a 50-year drought coincided with a wave of protests and a state of emergency. During four months of qualitative fieldwork in 2017, state, civil society, Ethiopian and international actors were approached – from humanitarian headquarters to communities in the Amhara, Oromiya and Somali regions. Research participants relayed stark discrepancies between the humanitarian theatre's ‘frontstage’, where disaster responders showcase an exemplary response, and its ‘backstage’, where they remove their frontstage masks and reflect on the information, the decision-making monopoly of the state and the intrusion of conflict dynamics into the humanitarian response. In humanitarian research and in policy, a collective conversation is necessary on where to draw the line between respect for governments’ sovereignty and the intrusion of humanitarian principles.
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| 9 |
ID:
157261
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ITALY IS AGAIN at a crossroads. An attempt to carry out a constitutional reform that would have changed the country's political system has fallen through. Italy faces a new political crisis as the ruling party's policy is increasingly rejected both by the opposition and by the population. Where the nation will go from now on depends on a set of factors in its economy and its domestic and foreign policy. To make matters worse, developments in Italy are a source of special concern for the European Union. With the EU being plagued by economic, political and social crises, domestic instability in member countries causes it particular anxiety. The situation in Italy, which is one of the founders and leaders of the EU, exercises a direct effect on the pan-European political climate. Due to the high degree of mutual integration of the economies and political systems of the member countries, political instability in Italy threatens the stability of the EU as a whole.
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| 10 |
ID:
142746
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| Summary/Abstract |
Science & Diplomacy has in a few short years become an important vehicle for communicating the history and future potential of science and technology helping to advance diplomacy and to create a more peaceful, secure, and prosperous world.
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| 11 |
ID:
139326
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Russian intervention in Ukraine can be seen not as an isolated incident, but as part of a larger strategy aimed at re-establishing Russian control and influence over its near abroad – a sphere of influence severely diminished with the fall of the Berlin Wall. Building on its success in Georgia, the Russian Federation moved aggressively in 2014 to seize Crimea and destabilise eastern Ukraine. In each case, Russia leveraged ethnic Russian populations to encourage separatist movements, introducing Russian paramilitaries, intelligence operatives, special forces and eventually conventional forces. In this hypothetical scenario, written as a ‘historical perspective’, Richard D Hooker, Jr examines a possible next move against the Baltic States, where similar conditions apply. Should Russia move against the Baltics, NATO will face its most challenging test in a generation.
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| 12 |
ID:
151548
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the 2016 U.S. presidential election drew near, tensions over cybersecurity issues heated up. On November 5, just three days before U.S. voters went to the polls, NBC News quoted a senior anonymous intelligence official and some classified documents as saying that "U.S. military hackers have penetrated Russia's electric grid, telecommunications networks, and the Kremlins command systems, making them vulnerable to attack by secret American cyber weapons should the U.S. deem it necessary."
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| 13 |
ID:
149326
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| 14 |
ID:
149332
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| 15 |
ID:
154139
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay proceeds in three steps. First, it will briefly outline the often invoked “crisis” of representative democracy and its major symptoms. Second, it will discuss a popular yet, as I shall argue, worryingly misguided response to that crisis: namely, the switch to plebiscitarian methods of “direct” democracy, as advocated, for example, by rightist populist forces in many European Union member states. The United Kingdom's Brexit referendum of June 2016 illuminates the weaknesses of this approach. Third, it will suggest a rough design for enriching representative electoral democracy with nonelectoral (but “aleatory,” or randomized) and nonmajoritarian (but deliberative and consultative) bodies and their peculiar methods of political will formation (as opposed to the expression of a popular will already formed).
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| 16 |
ID:
149331
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| 17 |
ID:
142817
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| 18 |
ID:
149327
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| 19 |
ID:
152854
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| Summary/Abstract |
GARY C. JACOBSON discusses the reasons Donald Trump’s victory was so improbable, considers why he won anyway, and speculates about what this portends for national politics going forward. He also analyzes the 2016 congressional elections. He finds them, by comparison, uneventful, but with results that confirm the thoroughly partisan, president-centered, and polarized nature of contemporary American electoral politics.
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| 20 |
ID:
149352
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| Summary/Abstract |
The presence of women candidates in both major parties’ presidential primaries, including a likely woman Democratic nominee, has increased the attention paid to gender dynamics in the 2016 US presidential election. However, the presumption that previous presidential elections—without female prominent contenders—were gender neutral is false: gender dynamics have been at play in all US presidential elections to date. The nation’s top executive office is arguably the most masculine in American politics. Duerst-Lahti (1997) describes the presidency as a gendered space in which masculine norms and images are reified as the ideal, adding, “the masculinist assumption-made-normal is strong and is made even stronger when it goes unnoticed for its gendered aspects” (22). Presidents and presidential contenders, whether male or female, are expected to meet the masculine expectations of the office through words and actions, and those around them—family, spouses, and advisors—often play a role in shaping the degree to which they are successful. In navigating American politics, candidates also face gendered treatment by opponents, voters, and media, reminding us that presidential politics is far from gender neutral. These gender dynamics have been detailed by scholars, particularly in analyses of the presidential candidacies of women (Beail and Longworth 2013; Carlin and Winfrey 2009; Carroll and Dittmar 2009; Dittmar and Carroll 2013; Duerst-Lahti 2013; Falk 2010; Han and Heldman 2007; Heldman, Carroll, and Olson 2005; Lawrence and Rose 2009; McClain, Carter, and Brady 2005). However, the depth and nuance in scholarly analyses are rarely evident in popular dialogue about the ways in which gender shapes presidential elections.
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