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ID:
139198
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| Summary/Abstract |
This case study of corrections reform in Kosovo contributes to the growing academic literature on corrections reform during peacebuilding missions in post-conflict environments. Fourteen Canadian corrections advisers who were deployed to Kosovo between 1999 and 2006 were interviewed about the dynamics and challenges they experienced abroad. Interview transcripts were coded and analysed using NVivo10. Five key themes emerged from the data: the importance of understanding the local context; the prevalence of corruption; the lack of attention and resources devoted to corrections reform in post-conflict Kosovo; the challenges of providing safe and secure confinement for prisoners detained in facilities staffed by police and military personnel; and the challenges of working with ‘experts’ who seemingly lacked expertise and genuine concern for developing local capacities. These themes are summarized followed by a discussion of the limitations of the study, the directions for future research and the policy and practice implications of the findings.
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| 2 |
ID:
139196
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| Summary/Abstract |
Afghanistan was the first major test for US nation-building efforts in the twenty-first century. Previous analyses have identified many of the barriers that prevented the USA from engaging in effective infrastructure development, governance, security, counter-insurgency and counter-narcotics. Drawing upon interviews with senior US officials, this article offers an alternative account of the nation-building experience that highlights problems within the US government. Building on the assertions of Graham Allison, it focuses on the behaviour of the agencies and individuals within the US bureaucracy. It is argued that a lack of effective leadership permitted bureaucratic disorder between and within the military establishment, the State Department and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The conflict that was precipitated by this dissonance prevented the emergence of a cohesive nation-building strategy.
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| 3 |
ID:
140845
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| Summary/Abstract |
Before I reply to each of the commentaries, allow me to explain why I wrote the article in the first place. Like many people, I was fascinated by the Libya intervention of 2011 and the surrounding debates, including the quite polarized assessments of the intervention's implications for the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Some observers wrote that the operation was a triumph for R2P and represented its successful ‘coming of age', while others said it heralded the doctrine's demise. Both of these positions were unsatisfying, for three reasons. First, there seemed to be evidence of both success and failure in the Libya mission, which suggested that many defenders and critics of R2P were overstating their case. Second, these polarized positions deflected attention away from the ways in which elements of success and failure might be interconnected and perhaps even inseparable from each other. Finally, many of the analyses dwelt on the particular circumstances of the Libya operation without considering the underlying strategic logic of this type of mission, or the assumed relationship between the interveners’ actions and the desired outcomes. I therefore set out to examine the assumptions of preventive humanitarian intervention and to understand their relationship to R2P.
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| 4 |
ID:
139197
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This article illuminates the role of international HNGOs in Turkey's peacebuilding. Turkish HNGOs pursue low-level peacebuilding, focusing on interaction with grassroots, as opposed to the high-level peacebuilding of the state based on official interaction. Despite being independent, at times they become subsumed by the discourse, priorities and policies of the government and develop an interest in shaping official policies which carry the risk of politicizing the aid. While some of their key features such as flexibility, absence of conditionality, ensuring sustainability, relying on private donations and pursuing advocacy follow the mainstream peacebuilding lines, others such as culture and religion as catalysts and representing and promoting Turkey abroad demonstrate a deviation. Although the institutional consolidation of these HNGOs as a sector remains a distant goal, they are not likely to disappear given the considerable societal and political will behind their work. Their success depends on building a comprehensive strategy with efficient coordination and cooperation in a pluralist environment.
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