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| 1 |
ID:
145790
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| Summary/Abstract |
Peasants’ use of existing legal and political resources to right wrongs done to them and the law as a narrative frame to assert their claims in protests have been well captured in the concept of “rightful resistance.” The image of a “restive citizenry” by which peasants—as rightful resisters—struggle valiantly to defend their own rights, however, has been increasingly questioned by scholars who find either that the wronged peasants do not get angrier or that their rightful resistance is eventually muted. The present article examines dozens of inland-provincial peasant-coal miners who suffer from mining-induced pneumoconiosis. It is also found that the victims express an unwillingness to pursue their rights through the courts or enact rightful resistance if the courts or other formal institutions fall short in delivering the promised rights. In examining how peasant-coal miners consider what is the “best way” to obtain compensation, this article suggests that they could be said to be a “compromising citizenry” through which they recognize the law and formal procedures as legitimate but at the same time consider bribing state officials as a prerequisite to protect their legal rights.
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| 2 |
ID:
164775
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| 3 |
ID:
140837
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2004, an outbreak of occupational disease in several battery factories in south China led to the cadmium poisoning of hundreds of women workers. Drawing connections between the works of Alfred Schutz and Giorgio Agamben, this article suggests that the lives of cadmium-poisoned victims offer an illustration of the concept of “stranger”, which can be understood as a specific form of “bare life” in contemporary China. Evidence from in-depth interviews and group meetings with dozens of victims revealed not only their physical pain, but also their experience of social estrangement due to a lack of understanding from their significant others and the uphill struggle for compensation. Fieldwork was conducted during the 2010–12 period both in the home villages/towns to which victims had returned and in Guangdong where they stayed behind and fought for their rights. The victims’ experience of sustained estrangement sheds light on contemporary state power that exercises prerogative in silencing the victims rather than enforcing the rule of law.
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| 4 |
ID:
189057
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2012, Beijing has been promoting a strain of populist nationalism which underscores both the institutional superiority of the ruling party and the cultural superiority of being Chinese. At the international level, however, the image of both the regime and the Chinese has been marred due to the coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak in Wuhan (December 2019–January 2020). This study examines the extent and the form that the surge in nationalist sentiment of Chinese young people has taken during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on a questionnaire survey of 1,200 students from a sample of 20 colleges/universities in China (June–July 2020), this study shows that the respondents express high satisfaction with the state's performance in tackling the pandemic, and that there is a substantial surge of nationalist sentiment with a high level of hostility towards other nations (e.g. the United States). Such nationalist sentiment, however, is found to express a bifurcated pattern in that young Chinese also tend to embrace the opportunity to work and study in the Western societies they ostensibly dislike.
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| 5 |
ID:
177958
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Three Gorges Dam project (1994–2009) in Chongqing of China created 1.35 million forced migrants. As the region next to the reservoir could not accept all the displaced, 96,000 were relocated to 11 provinces/cities. Among these “out-bound” (waiqian) migrants, 9,007 were moved 2,300 kilometers away to coastal Guangdong from 2000 to 2004. Through soliciting testimonies from 32 young-adult “dam migrants” (currently aged 18–39) in Guangdong, this article identifies a commonly shared ambivalence over the meaning of displacement such that the informants—after more than a decade of resettlement—still maintain different degrees of feeling as both a stranger and a local, as both a Guangdonger (Guangdong ren) and a Chongqinger (Chongqing ren), and as both a sojourner and a dweller. It is argued that they possess more complex movement imaginaries than older, first-generation migrants, and experience a more complex mode of marginalization. The political implications of the ambivalently mobile population are discussed as its existence echoes the emerging governmentality scholarship on the migrant experience.
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