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| 1 |
ID:
166944
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| Summary/Abstract |
Though the electricity market in China has gone through several reforms in the last few decades, the market is still not completely liberalized. The wholesale prices are regulated and for renewable it is based on feed-in tariff; there is not yet a competitive spot or derivative market concerning the generation side. Furthermore, with great potential, renewable energy is being gradually promoted by the government to compete freely with conventional energies. However, it is hard for a renewable generator to survive without subsidy. So, in this paper we propose a new round of revolution in power sector to introduce electricity futures into China with the expectation of perfecting the market and providing a proper hedging tool for renewable plants. We make an estimation of the risk premium and then simulate the futures prices in China's market. To support the establishment of the futures contracts, we also propose two pricing mechanisms: Demand-side price & Opportunity cost price and study their effects on the futures. Finally, some suggestions with regard to the construction of futures market in China and the operational strategy for renewable plants are given.
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| 2 |
ID:
170433
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Many countries seek to regain lost cultural property that was taken as spoils of war during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Some scholars, however, regard such claims as baseless in public international law of this period. This article carries out an intertemporal law analysis and argues that the rule against such plunder was indeed founded in the laws and customs of war in the eighteenth century, became well established in the nineteenth century, and further developed in the twentieth century. If the plundered works exist and are identifiable, restitution is the only remedy for violation of this rule. This article aims to provide the legal grounds for restitution claims and thus provide the first steps for victim States to regain their lost cultural property.
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| 3 |
ID:
182817
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the effect of online learning time on graduating students' test scores in a senior high school. Decisions regarding online education, including those related to participation and learning hours, are endogenous due to both reverse causality and omitted variables. This paper is the result of the natural experiment of the outbreak of COVID-19, which made every student to participate in online education when the spring semester began. In addition, this paper uses a value-added model controlling for the scores that preceded online education, which is a sufficient statistic of students' unobserved ability and motivation. If this cannot completely eliminate the endogeneity problem, it should be able to largely alleviate the problem. The results indicate that: online education has positive but limited impacts on test scores on average, particularly those in the subject of math within the natural sciences track; top-tier students are most positively affected by online education; and the benefits of online education vary among students with different backgrounds. The quantile regression suggests that a 10% increase in online education time raises math test scores by more than 0.25 for the students between the 0.60th and 0.80th quantiles. Surprisingly, it is evident that online learning time has a significant negative effect for some students in certain subjects. Finally, online education neither widens nor narrows the inequality of students' test scores.
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| 4 |
ID:
141101
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| Summary/Abstract |
Contemporary Chinese artists have long been marginalized in China as their ideas conflict with the mainstream political ideology. In Beijing, artists often live on the fringe of society in “artist villages,” where they almost always face the threat of being displaced owing to political decisions or urban renewal. However, in the past decade, the Chinese government began to foster the growth of contemporary Chinese arts and designated underground artist villages as art districts. This article explores the profound change in the political decisions about the art community. It argues that, despite the pluralization of Chinese society and the inroads of globalization, the government maintains control over the art community through a series of innovative mechanisms. These mechanisms create a globalization firewall, which facilitates the Chinese state in global image-building and simultaneously mitigates the impact of global forces on domestic governance. The article illuminates how the authoritarian state has adopted more sophisticated methods of governance in response to the challenges of a more sophisticated society.
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