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ID:
141479
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| Summary/Abstract |
In contrast to similar organizations in its neighbouring countries, Niger's domestic Salafi associations have remained peaceful and apolitical. Drawing on historical institutionalist scholarship and on recent conceptualizations of the state as a religious actor, this article examines how the Nigerien state has tried to regulate religious practices since Seyni Kountché's military coup in 1974. It argues that the institutional regulation of religious practices is one important variable that accounts for Niger's deviant trajectory. During Niger's autocratic period (1974–91), the government established the Association islamique du Niger (AIN) as the sole legal authority regulating access to Niger's Friday prayer mosques. Committed to peaceful and apolitical interpretations of the Koran, the AIN confined access to Niger's religious sphere to local clerics and Sufi brotherhoods. After the breakdown of autocratic rule in 1991, the AIN served as a religious advisory body. Salafi associations could assemble freely but had to abide by certain criteria. Confronted with the prospect of Islamic violence in 2000, the Nigerien state intervened in Niger's religious sphere in several ways. Among other initiatives, the government began to resurrect a more rigorous system of religious supervision in order to monitor religious practices on an ongoing basis.
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| 2 |
ID:
165979
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| 3 |
ID:
168848
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political fallout from the Arab spring and the growth of Salafism elsewhere have sparked a new debate about the merits of political Salafism. This article retraces the trajectory of political Salafism in Kenya between the early 1990s and the most recent elections in 2017. It focuses on two Salafi-led associations, the Council of Imams and Preachers in Kenya (CIPK) and the National Muslim Leaders Forum (NAMLEF). It notes two developments: first, the declining efficacy and relevancy of both organizations; and second, and as a result of the former, the inadvertent contribution of political Salafism to the radicalization of Kenya’s Muslim youth in Kenya’s coastal region. The study argues that both are an outcome of several interrelated factors, including the CIPK’s and NAMLEF’s involvement in partisan politics, the neo-patrimonial nature of Kenya’s political system, as well as the desire of the CIPK and NAMLEF leaderships to participate in that system and to generate high-ranking public appointments for themselves.
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