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| 1 |
ID:
133411
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Samuel P. Huntington died in December 2008, but this Harvard academic continues to have a significant impact on the conduct and state of American civil-military relations. Mackubin Owens's recent US Civil-Military Relations after 9/11: Renegotiating the Civil-Military Bargain and Suzanne Nielsen and Don M. Snider's 2009 edited work American Civil-Military Relations: The Soldier and the State in a New Era both challenge and contextualize Huntington's work for contemporary theorists and practitioners of civil-military relations. This is indeed a worthwhile effort, as America's civil-military relations have received much "airtime" over the past few years. General Stanley McChrystal's seeming challenge to the political leadership over proposed Afghanistan troop levels, Lieutenant Colonel Andrew Milburn's Joint Force Quarterly article challenging traditional conceptions of civilian control, and Bob Woodward's revelations in Obama's War regarding the 2009 tensions between the Pentagon and the administration over Afghanistan strategy highlight the relationship between the military and our civilian leaders while raising the issue of the military's participation in political discourse.
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| 2 |
ID:
124524
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to assess the magnitude of military reform in Indonesia and its impact in establishing greater levels of professionalism within the armed forces. To this end, the authors will offer some reflections on the studies of civil-military relations and military transformation for inculcating a higher degree of military professionalism; analyse to what extent the process of military reform in Indonesia has reshaped the institutional role of the armed forces; and discern three major strategic gaps in Indonesia's military reform, namely the "legal loopholes and regulation vacuum," the "shortcomings of democratic civilian control," and the "defence-economic gap." This article asserts that military professionalism will grow more substantially depending on the ability of civilian elites to exercise effective control over the military and the capacity of the government to transform the military establishment keeping pace with strategic challenges and operational requirements.
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| 3 |
ID:
119310
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| 4 |
ID:
137621
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| Summary/Abstract |
In order to cope with the many violent conflicts all over the world and to enhance their influence, Western armed forces tend to invest in professionalizing the armed forces of developing countries. One way is to educate cadets of such countries at the military academies at home. Following in this wake, Belgium has opened up its military training programs for cadets from Francophone African countries. This article examines the experiences of young men from Benin after they have finished their studies successfully and returned to their parent armed force in this African country. The focus of our analysis is on organizational change through intergenerational diversity reflecting differences in professionalism-related experiences. The findings, suggesting that such organizational change is not self-evident, lead to a discussion about the general implications of diffusing military professionalism to developing countries, in Africa in particular.
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| 5 |
ID:
185518
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| Summary/Abstract |
The focus of this study is on the effect of military (un)professionalism on civil-military relations and citizens’ security in Nigeria. To sketch the context, the article provides a brief background on the nature of armed conflict, which necessitated the deployment of the military in internal operations. Following this is a brief description of the extent and nature of military abuse, which strains civil-military relations. Using the principles of what constitutes military professionalism, the study shows that the conduct of the Nigerian military, together with the lack of civil control undermines internal security operations and has eroded trust in the armed forces. The influence on civil-military relations is analysed, with reference to a qualitative study conducted among civilians affected by military abuse in Plateau State. The findings show that the unprofessionalism of the Nigerian military undermines military effectiveness, civil-military relations, and exacerbates the insecurity of citizens.
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| 6 |
ID:
139101
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why did the United States, a country notorious for supporting coups and military dictatorships in Latin America during the Cold War, seek to depoliticize security forces in the Caribbean basin during the early twentieth century? Drawing from primary sources, I argue that this emphasis on military non-partisanship abroad stemmed from Progressive Era reforms popular at home. These reforms, which stressed bureaucratic efficiency via nonpartisan expertise, had become institutionalized within the US military and State Department and then channelled into the imperial administration of Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic. The State Department and Marine Corps attempted to replace local partisan armies with the kind of professional, nonpartisan armed forces that the US's own military had come to exemplify. That these civil-military reform efforts ultimately backfired should serve as a reminder of the difficulties inherent in using military interventions to transform coercive apparatuses and their societies.
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| 7 |
ID:
123664
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article contends that it is time for the armed forces to revisit their schools, day rooms, wardrooms, squadron meeting places, headquarters, bases and posts to increase the level of awareness and the teaching of professional norms.
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| 8 |
ID:
106020
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the role the military has played in the democratization processes of three 'young democracies' (Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines) in Southeast Asia. The issue of democratization vis-à-vis the armed forces is even more relevant for Southeast Asia as a region with historically powerful militaries and long traditions of political interventions and rampant human rights abuses. While Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines have historically struggled with deep entrenchments of the military - not only in the political arena, but also within the bureaucracy and the economy - their respective militaries played very different roles within democratization processes. The Indonesian military remained politically neutral after the fall of Suharto, the Philippines witnessed various failed coup attempts by mid-ranking officers, while the Thai military played a key role in the termination of democracy through a coup in 2006. The dominant literature on democratization tries to explain the different outcomes of democratization processes to democracy mainly by focusing on elite choices, new norms and values, shifts in conjunctural situations, the unraveling of the institutional structures of authoritarian regimes and the formation of new, democratic institutional structures. Likewise research on civil-military relations in new democracies has pointed to behavioral change, successful structural reforms (downsizing of the military, capacity-building, withdrawing the military from politics) and civilian leadership in defense and security matters as decisive factors for establishing civilian supremacy. Yet none of these factors fully explains why Indonesia's armed forces remained politically neutral after the fall of Suharto, while Thailand's generals launched a coup in 2006. To answer this question more general political dynamics of democratization processes need to be examined, especially with regard to the formation of new alliances of differing social forces and their impact on traditional power structures, in order to understand continuity and/or change in the military's attitudes towards democracy.
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| 9 |
ID:
124523
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2013.
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The article discusses processes of “religionization” within the institutional identity and ethos of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the connection of these processes with the significant structural changes the IDF has undergone in recent decades. The main argument presented is that since the late 1980s, the IDF has been in a culture conflict, torn between soldiers and civilians who advocate turning the IDF into a professional army “military professionalization,” and others who wish to preserve, and even strengthen, the “people's army” model. The present article shows that the meaning of the term “people” in this phrase has shifted to refer strictly to the Jewish people, and that a national-ethnic perception strongly influenced by religious-national ideology has been adopted.
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| 10 |
ID:
166591
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Few would disagree that European militaries have experienced dramatic changes since the end of the Cold War. Much of the discussion on these changes to date has referred to the concept of professionalism. However, this approach became outdated as professions in post-industrialist societies entered a state of crisis as a result of growing competition from a variety of competitors. The present study adapts a new framework from the sociology of knowledge literature – sociology of expertise – into one, sociology of security expertise, which is suitable for study of contemporary armed forces. Its utility is demonstrated through analysis of five European professional military education institutions. The analysis shows that European military organisations are transiting, albeit in various degrees, from one form of social organisation of military knowledge production – associated with the military education model common to traditional military colleges – toward another, which is related to the military education model of national defence universities. Hence it is highly probable that European military organisations lose, either voluntary or unintentionally, their professional character and can no longer be unquestionably assumed to be military professions. Hence, they should be analysed hereafter using the sociology of security expertise framework.
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| 11 |
ID:
152029
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The search continues for methods to improve security for development in Sub-Saharan Africa. One of the important actors in this security arena is Sub-Saharan African governments’ armies. Much of their capability to meet security challenge depends on how militarily professional they are. The wave of democratic evolution in Africa since 1990 also affected military professionalism. This article reviews three models for assessing how democratisation might affect military professionalism in Sub-Saharan Africa, with special attention to post-conflict states. This should make it possible to decide which analytical methods are most appropriate to measure military professionalism in the particular circumstances of Sub-Saharan African post-conflict democratisation. Depending upon the particular nation-state in question, this decision on analytical methods may be useful for other Sub-Saharan states as well.
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| 12 |
ID:
121917
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| 13 |
ID:
123036
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
South Africa has embraced the notion of a democracy in the early 1990s. Accepting democracy as a form of government also implied the embracement of military professionalism and international acceptable norms of behaviour for the South African military. The professional behaviour of the military in contemporary democracies is rooted in the acceptance of democratic values and the primacy of the citizen-soldier. Over time, democracies have developed and established certain ground rules for a 'fair' fight and, as far as possible, avoid involvement in protracted wars. The notions of jus ad bellum, jus in bello and, more recently, also the notion of jus post bellum are, in essence, the creation of modern democratic states. Because of these ground rules, democracies tend to emphasise the use of symmetrical forces aimed at delivering a decisive outcome in war. More important, though, is the development of a military ethos that is conducive to strategic effect in the conventional domain in general and military professionalism in particular.
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| 14 |
ID:
100981
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| 15 |
ID:
178659
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| Summary/Abstract |
The civil–military relations of the Trump Presidency became increasingly troubled. The President attempted not only to involve the military in partisan politics, but also in counter-protest operations in the face of nationwide demonstrations. Such operations increase the likelihood of human rights abuses by the military, which prides itself on professionalism and public approval. How can officers resist a commander-in-chief pulling them into partisan politics, particularly when this endangers military professionalism and quite possibly democracy itself? This article finds that U.S. military commanders might turn to their counterparts across Latin America for examples and lessons. Commanders in Chile, Ecuador, Colombia and Brazil have found innovative waves to resist unwise Presidential orders and potentially save lives in the process. Critically, we find that these instances of justifiable dissent did not result in an erosion of civilian control.
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| 16 |
ID:
110516
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) has since the late 1990s been engaged in an ambitious, concerted, and methodical transformation. As a result, the PLA has noticeably improved its capabilities in several specific areas - particularly missile attack, precision-strike, power projection at sea and in the air, and joint operations. In particular, it has made significant advances in exploiting "informatisation" when it comes to developing advanced weaponry, accelerating the pace of military modernisation, and creating new levers of military power for the PLA. While Chinese military power may still pale in comparison to the US armed forces, the strength of the PLA relative to its likely local competitors in the Asia-Pacific region, such as Taiwan and Japan, has grown significantly, and will likely continue to grow over the next ten to 20 years. As a result, China is definitely gaining an edge over other regional militaries in the Asia-Pacific region.
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| 17 |
ID:
183890
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| Summary/Abstract |
A considerable amount of research within security studies has explored the military's increasingly diverse and multifaceted tasks. However, this debate has been disconnected from the literature on civil-military relations to the effect that we still lack knowledge about how and why these operational tasks have consequences for the relations between the armed forces, civilian authorities, and society at large. In order to provide for a better understanding of these effects, this introduction to the Special Issue debates the concept of operational experiences to capture how the military's routine activities affect the equilibria, logics, and mechanisms of civil-military relations. The article then provides an overview of the Special Issue's six contributions, whose diverse and global perspectives shed light on different aspects of the relationship between military missions and the military's roles in society and politics. Among other factors, they highlight role conceptions – the military's shared views on the purpose of the institution – as crucial in shaping the dynamic relation between what the military does and what place it occupies within the state and society. The article concludes by describing potentially fruitful areas of future research.
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| 18 |
ID:
156546
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The military poses an ongoing threat to modern democratic rule in some African countries, especially in the Zimbabwean context. This paper reveals the ways in which Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) generals have played a political role in the Zimbabwean elections, an issue which is both a political threat and a security threat to the state. It is argued that the ways in which ZNA generals engage in the political process goes against Section 208(2) of the constitution of Zimbabwe, which summarily states that the military must be apolitical. In substantiating this argument, the paper presents and analyses various public speeches made by army generals. It is contended that the army generals’ support of the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and President Robert Mugabe has to be understood as a ‘mutual accommodation’, i.e. the generals are offered privileges in return for the political protection of the ruling regime which negatively impacts the security of the vote.
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| 19 |
ID:
193060
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Numerous reflections exist regarding who should be held accountable and what lessons should be learned from the military withdrawal and political collapse of Afghanistan. This essay argues that the failures in Afghanistan are second- and third-order effects of a failure of strategic thinking on behalf of civilian and military leadership alike. I argue that this failure of strategic thinking is caused, in part, by the overreliance on concepts of civil–military relations espoused by Samuel Huntington. These concepts have been inculcated by a professional military education system that has subsequently developed a generation of officers with an atrophied appreciation for the political aspects of war, and an inability to link operational prowess to the achievement of strategic objectives. This dilemma is aggravated by a similar overreliance on systematic thinking, which further obscures the linkages between the military and political aspects of strategy.
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| 20 |
ID:
159569
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why do states professionalize the military? Professionalizing the military represents a strategic commitment to a particular set of ideas about the role of the military, and the timing and strength of this commitment to military professionalism have varied widely between countries, especially non-European ones. Understanding this process is important in an era of defense austerity, when the choice of how to spend defense resources has deeper political consequences than it used to. Despite the importance of this question, there have been almost no large-n studies of military professionalization. Analyzing new data on more than 150 countries from 1800 to 2005, this study finds that states with greater levels of human capital, urbanization, and economic wealth are more likely to professionalize. What is more, these indicators of economic modernization have a substantially stronger correlation with measures of military professionalism than regime type and international security concerns. These findings should inform security assistance operations by emphasizing the development of human capital in recipient officer corps and drawing links between economic development and security assistance programs.
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