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1 |
ID:
127929
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Economic numbers have come to define our world. Individuals, organizations, and governments assess how they are doing based on what these numbers tell them. Economists and analysts loosely refer to statistics measuring GDP, unemployment, inflation, and trade deficits as "leading indicators" and subscribe to the belief that these figures accurately reflect reality and provide unique insights into the health of an economy. Taken together, leading indicators create a data map that people use to navigate their lives. That map, however, is showing signs of age. Understanding where the map came from should help explain why it has become less reliable than ever before.
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2 |
ID:
086472
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
China's financial conundrum arises from two sources. First, its large saving (trade) surplus results in a currency mismatch because it is an immature creditor that cannot lend in its own currency. Instead, foreign currency claims (largely US dollars) build up within domestic financial institutions. Second, economists, both American and Chinese, mistakenly attribute the surpluses to an undervalued RMB. To placate the USA, the result was a gradual and predictable appreciation of the RMB against the dollar of 6 percent or more per year from July 2005 to July 2008. Together with the fall in US interest rates since mid-2007, this oneway bet in the foreign exchanges markets not only attracted hot money inflows but inhibited private capital outflows from financing China's huge trade surplus. Therefore, the People's Bank of China had to intervene heavily to prevent the RMB from ratcheting upwards, and so became the country's sole international financial intermediary as official exchange reserves exploded. Because of the currency mismatch, floating the RMB is neither feasible nor desirable, and a higher RMB would not reduce China's trade surplus. Instead, monetary control and normal private-sector finance for the trade surplus require a return to a credibly fixed nominal RMB/USD rate similar to that which existed between 1995 and 2004. However, for any newly reset RMB/USD rate to be credible as a monetary anchor, foreign "China bashing" to get the RMB up must end. Then the stage would be set for fiscal expansion to both stimulate the economy and reduce its trade surplus.
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3 |
ID:
098224
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4 |
ID:
023777
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Publication |
New Delhi, Practice-Hall of Indian Private Ltd, 1977.
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Description |
xii, 294p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
017467 | 923.3/SIL 017467 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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5 |
ID:
090872
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
The recession has apparently led to a surge of school-leavers applying to study economic at university (in the United Kingdom). Application were up by 15% in January, and similar increases have been recorded for school economics lessons for 16-and 18-year-olds...One of the areas Prospective economics students might care to study is why most economics failed to foresee the recession, and why those who did made not a blind bit of difference.
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6 |
ID:
087045
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
It has been widely suggested by political scientists and economists, based on empirical evidence for the period since 1970, that the institution of centralized wage bargaining and the presence of a government of the left are associated with lower levels of income inequality. The authors make use of new data on top income shares as well as long-run series on wage inequality to examine the effects of partisanship and wage bargaining over a much longer time period, nearly the entire twentieth century. Their empirical results provide little support for the idea that either of these two factors is correlated with income inequality over this period. They then show that a closer look at the introduction of centralized wage bargaining in individual countries during the middle part of the twentieth century reveals that in countries that moved to centralize wage bargaining, income inequality had already been trending downward well before the institutional change, that the move to centralized bargaining did not alter this trend, and that these changes in income inequality were also observed in countries that did not adopt centralized wage bargaining at this time. The results suggest that there were alternative institutional paths to reduced income inequality during most of the twentieth century. This raises the possibility that either structural economic changes or commonly shared economic and political events, such as world wars and economic crises, may ultimately be more important for understanding the evolution of income inequality than are the institutional or partisan characteristics commonly considered to be decisive by political scientists.
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7 |
ID:
170704
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Summary/Abstract |
The income tax reform in Israel that was introduced in August 1975 bridged two ostensible objectives: the enlargement of levying and the provision of a redistributive mechanism. In other words, it aimed to establish a system that would simultaneously achieve economic efficiency and social justice. The reform was unique since it invented an original Credit Points mechanism that linked together efficiency and distributive justice.
Introducing the Value Added Tax a year later was also justified as an indirect progressive tax that could be related to as a business tax rather than as an expenditure tax, levied directly on customers. One of the main concerns of the leading academic economists during that period was the enlarged socio-economic gap. Hence, the two tax reforms were also justified by pro-social arguments.
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Key Words
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Economists
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Direct taxation
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Military Burden
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VAT
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Tax Burden
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Credit points, direct tax reform, economists, family grants, inequality, Israbluff, military burden, tax burden, social gap, VAT,
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8 |
ID:
042199
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Publication |
New Jersey, Prentice Hall Inc., 1972.
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Description |
xvi, 1024p.
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Standard Number |
0135609879
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
010710 | 510/REA 010710 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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9 |
ID:
095140
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10 |
ID:
102845
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11 |
ID:
097906
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Publication |
2010.
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Summary/Abstract |
Recent explanations of transformations of macroeconomic policy under crisis conditions spotlight the intrinsic properties of ideas and the persuasiveness with which they are marketed. Bridging the divide between power and discourse approaches, this article reveals the causal role played by the power resources of expert ideational entrepreneurs, conditional on the political conjuncture in which they operate. The authors exploit a fortuitous natural experiment from the early 1980s, when the Israeli economy spiraled into hyperinflation. Two similar proposals for economic stabilization and reform were offered by different teams of economists, less than two years apart. While the government rejected the dollarization plan, its authorization of the stabilization plan inaugurated a new political-economic regime. This case, in which similar programs were advocated by different ideational entrepreneurs in a largely stable institutional and economic context, makes it possible to pinpoint why radically new ideas succeed or fail. Previously underutilized analytical tools are employed to conceptualize the power of idea carriers, at both the individual and the group level.
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12 |
ID:
085959
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
Before he was sworn in as President, Barak Obama began to lay out his plans for reviving an American economy that, it would later be discovered, had declined 3.8 percent in the fourth quarter of 2008, its worst performance in 26 years.
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13 |
ID:
143182
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Publication |
New Delhi, Sage Publications India Pvt Ltd, 2016.
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Description |
xx, 444p.pbk
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Standard Number |
9789351509868
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
058455 | 954.9204092/SOB 058455 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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14 |
ID:
124865
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Publication |
2013.
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Summary/Abstract |
Economists have argued that outsourcing is another form of international trade. However, based on a representative national survey of Americans conducted in 2007 and 2009, the distribution of preferences on these two issues appears to be quite different. This article examines the origins of attitudes toward outsourcing, focusing on the extent to which it reflects (1) the economic vulnerabilities of individuals; (2) the information they receive about outsourcing, including their subjective understanding of what constitutes outsourcing; and (3) noneconomic attitudes toward foreign people and foreign countries. The findings emphasize the importance of variations in understandings of the term, as well as the highly symbolic nature of attitudes toward this issue. Individuals who believe the US should distance itself from international affairs more generally, who are nationalistic, or who feel that members of other ethnic and racial groups within the US are less praiseworthy than their own group tend to have particularly hostile reactions to outsourcing. The informational cues people receive are also important influences on their understanding of and attitudes toward outsourcing. Experimental results further emphasize the symbolic nature of attitudes toward outsourcing. Taken together, the results strongly suggest that attitudes are shaped less by the economic consequences of outsourcing than by a sense of "us" versus "them."
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