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| 1 |
ID:
158787
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| 2 |
ID:
167311
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, there has been a rise in China’s profile in South Asia. It is no surprise that Chinese experts have used terms, such as ‘new springtime’ in China–South Asia relations, ‘rediscovery of the strategic status of South Asia’ and ‘most relevant region with regard to the rise of China’. The objective of this article is to examine the nature and drivers of China’s South Asia policy, especially under the leadership of Xi Jinping vis-à-vis China’s policy towards the region in the past. It is not sufficient to only examine international factors or foreign and security policy in the context of the neighbouring region, such as South Asia. China’s ‘domestic periphery’ presents a significant threat to its national security. These areas are linked to neighbouring countries of South Asia and Central Asia.
The announcement by Chinese President Xi Jinping of a ‘New Era’ or ‘third era’ in the history of Communist Party of China (CPC) represents a China which is known for its dictum ‘striving for achievement’ (fenfa youwei). This is different from the second era’s policy of ‘keeping a low profile and biding the time’ proposed by Deng Xiaoping. Of course, the name of Mao Zedong is synonymous with the first era beginning from 1949.
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| 3 |
ID:
182624
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This article begins with a brief introduction of the development of China's space industry and China's goal of becoming a space power. The author then analyzes the role that China's space power strategy aims to play in space governance; that is, for China to become a leader in shaping space rules and in providing international public goods. The final section of the article describes China's activities in space and discusses their effects on space instability.
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| 4 |
ID:
169511
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THE 19TH CONGRESS of the Communist Party of China (CPC) was held on October 18-24, 2017. Chinese media noted that the Congress took place was open and global in nature: It was covered by more than 3,600 journalists, including 1,818 correspondents from Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan and 134 countries. In addition, the idea of "comprehensively covering an event of global significance" was presented as broadcasting China's voice to the world and explaining the country's plan for future development.
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| 5 |
ID:
144006
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India is a country of enormous prospects in the field of economics, commerce and trade and many more things. The irony is that India itself does not recognise it. It is like a sleeping lion. The time has come for the lion to awaken and very rightly so the Prime Minister’s flagship programme of ‘Make in India” is symbolised by the lion. With the programme like skill development it is hoped that India will transform its vast army of young population into a productive human resource and a parallel to the IT sector will emerge which can contribute in a huge way to the GDP.
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| 6 |
ID:
170242
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The security environment in Northeast Asia is changing dramatically and rapidly. Even more concerning than the North Korea issue is China’s strengthening of military power and activity. The author, a member of the House of Representatives of the National Diet of Japan and two-term Minister of Defense until October 2018, discusses recent developments in the region in terms of new methods of warfare, competition for technological hegemony, and Japan’s defense program. The article analyzes key relationships in the region, including the US-China relationship, the Japan-China relationship, and the Japan-Korea relationship and provides the author’s views of how best to manage these relationships in the mid- to long-term. This article is based on remarks delivered on March 6, 2019 for US–Japan LINK, a non-profit organization based in Tokyo.
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| 7 |
ID:
182417
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The PLA’s ability to project force within and beyond China’s borders, which Chinese strategists refer to as “strategic delivery,” depends on adequate logistics capabilities, systems, and policies. The new Joint Logistic Support Force will play a critical role in these respects. The force, established in 2016 as part of Xi Jinping’s reforms, made its operational debut in the PLA’s response to the novel coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan in 2020. That case provides details about the JLSF’s structure, capabilities, and operations. Leveraging insights from that case, the essay portrays the JLSF as a force in transition, both the inheritor of decades of investments in logistics modernization and recent upgrades, but also a new and largely untested force with several apparent weaknesses. Unless further improvements are made, the JLSF could be a weak link in future Chinese joint operations.
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| 8 |
ID:
184456
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In 2023, Civil Wars will achieve the milestone of its 25th anniversary. Since it was first formed by Caroline Kennedy-Pipe, Clive Jones and others at the University of Leeds back in 1998, the journal has published a broad and diverse range of articles related to the pressing global challenge of intrastate conflict, its causes, dynamics, effects and the responses it has engendered. Over its history, the journal has built a reputation as a specialist outlet for high-quality, interdisciplinary research, in particular on the causes, nature, triggers, dynamics, intensity, termination and the recurrence of civil war, covering a wide range of conflicts across the globe in its pages. We would like to take the opportunity presented by the publication of Vol. 24, No. 1 (2022) to introduce ourselves and outline our editorial vision for the coming years, if that is perhaps not too grand a term.
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| 9 |
ID:
170240
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History shows that when a new emperor ascends the throne, Japanese society often transforms itself beyond anyone's expectations. What's more, this change occurs in tandem with a transformation in the way emperors behave during their reigns. I believe this flexibility has ensured the remarkable longevity of the Imperial system.
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| 10 |
ID:
142204
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| 11 |
ID:
172120
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Since the doctrine of ‘keeping a low profile (KLP), attaining some achievement (ASA)’ was developed, there has been much attention and study of the KLP, but little discussion of the ASA. However, it is exactly how the ASA has been observed that can well reflect Chinese perception of its global role. In the paper, the ASA is treated as a continuum or a fluid concept with changing values. There have been significant adjustments in the official expression of the ASA doctrine since the 2008 global financial crisis, from the original ‘attaining some achievement’ to ‘proactively attaining achievement’ around 2011, ‘striving for achievement’ in 2013, and ‘striving for achievement in a new era’ in 2017. Along with these changes, there have been roughly three rounds of debates on the ASA among Chinese scholars. While they generally agree on more proactive diplomacy in attaining achievement, scholars have debated on what achievements to attain and how to attain these achievements. While the ultimate goal is defined officially as Chinese rejuvenation, specific and interim goals of ‘striving for achievement’ in scholarly debates have targeted mainly China’s strategic capability, institutional power and normative power. Chinese scholars have also debated on the general principles, diplomatic style and tactics that China should follow by focusing on three relationships: the relationship between the KLP and the ASA, the Sino-US relationship, and the relationship between China and the international system. The author provides an analytical framework and thorough examination of the development of the ASA doctrine, and presents the scholarly debates along its development path, in the hope that this study may facilitate the understanding of the outside world on how China perceives its global role.
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| 12 |
ID:
159646
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| 13 |
ID:
149231
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| 14 |
ID:
178230
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Since the 1990s, not only have China's universities become more in line with global standards but they now set them in some areas. This paper looks at how the production of space in Chinese higher education is employed in “new era” China to manage contested sites of globalization. From the spatial practice of scholarship to the representational spaces that map the educational bureaucracy, the production of space in Chinese higher education helps to organize social relations. This paper argues that the production of space in Chinese higher education is used to manage conflicts between global flows and localization as well as to serve national priorities. The paper contributes to ongoing discussions of the globalization of higher education and cultural studies of space and spatiality in contemporary China.
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