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| 1 |
ID:
142446
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| Summary/Abstract |
The construction of the separation barrier along the Green Line has progressively eroded spaces for encounter and dialogue between Palestinians and Israelis. Currently, the lack of free movement within the region is a critical aspect in the unfolding of the conflict, as it hinders the work of local civil society organizations (CSOs) and, specifically, impedes dialogue-based initiatives. In fact, the wall has increased obstacles to social interaction and mutual understanding, challenging the work of joint organizations — here defined as Israeli-Palestinian partnerships aimed at promoting a mutual understanding between the two sides.
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| 2 |
ID:
142440
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| Summary/Abstract |
How can Palestinian Jerusalemites empower educational institutions in East Jerusalem to ensure their right to education and maintain their national identity?
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| 3 |
ID:
142448
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| Summary/Abstract |
We can reform peace education to make it more effective, but teaching conflict transformation at a national level may be just as critical.
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| 4 |
ID:
142443
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| Summary/Abstract |
As is well known, neither Israeli nor Palestinian national identity would have any significance without a tie to Jerusalem. Jerusalem is the focal point and microcosm of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as well as the key to any agreement or improvement in the overall situation. Despite this, nearly all of the political protagonists in the city are non-Jerusalemites.
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| 5 |
ID:
142449
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| Summary/Abstract |
History does not need to move forward lineally to a third or fourth or fifth intifada.
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| 6 |
ID:
142444
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| Summary/Abstract |
For Palestinians, social media has become the number-one source of news in recent years. Most of the events that take place socially and politically are reported and brought to the Palestinian people by “citizen journalists.” This situation is problematic, especially because most of those “reporters” are either ordinary people who have no journalism experience or political activists who are using social media as a platform to express their opinions.
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| 7 |
ID:
142438
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| Summary/Abstract |
After Israel occupied the West Bank following the 1967 War, it annexed around 70.5 square kilometers of the West Bank into the Jerusalem municipality boundary and claimed Jerusalem as an open city. The Palestinians who remained in Jerusalem were protected by the International Humanitarian Law (IHL), since the annexation conflicted with the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council (OCHA, 2009). The Israeli government at that time granted the Palestinian Jerusalemites a permanent residency status and offered them the right to apply for Israeli citizenship, but Palestinians refused to apply for it (Barakat, 2012). In order to understand the issues surrounding Jerusalem, we must place the urban planners of the city at the forefront of suggestions and strategies based on their visions through working with the hegemonic power of the land (Yiftachel, 2006).
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| 8 |
ID:
142445
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is time for generational change in the Israeli peace camp, with the old guard’s insights about why it failed to win public support for a peace agreement.
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| 9 |
ID:
142441
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| Summary/Abstract |
Jerusalem has come to mean so much to so many. It is a religious symbol, a political symbol, a symbol of power. Sometimes it seems like we have made Jerusalem into the embodiment of whatever we want it to be that day. We often forget that it is a city — a place where people live. People have lived here for centuries and have built the physical and the symbolic Jerusalem that stands today. These people are what make it a city. Jerusalem is its people, not just its stones. And while the city stands tall, its people are in ruins.
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| 10 |
ID:
142442
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| Summary/Abstract |
Whether Palestinians protest violently or nonviolently Israel responds with military force, so how can the violence end in the Occupied Palestinian Territories without an end to occupation?
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| 11 |
ID:
142439
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| Summary/Abstract |
Excuse me, what is the time?” A seemingly innocent question. However, if you are a young Arab or Jew who looks “Mizrachi,” stopped in the center of West Jerusalem, there is a reasonable possibility that this question is not in the least bit innocent. In recent months activists of the racist Lehava organization have been roaming West Jerusalem, searching for Palestinian passersby or workers to attack and compel to flee from what they consider to be an exclusively Jewish area of the city. Since many Jewish residents of the city are themselves descended from immigrants from Arab countries, with dark skin as well as hair, and clothing styles consistent with global pop culture, Lehava activists often struggle to ascertain the identity of city residents and determine precisely who is “Jewish” and who is “Arab.” Therefore, they harass people walking by with “banal” questions such as “What time is it?” in order to pinpoint their ethno-national identity according to their accent.
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| 12 |
ID:
142450
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| Summary/Abstract |
This August marked 20 years for me in the Israeli-Palestinian peace-building field. Straight out of college in August 1995, I served as a bunk counselor for a group of Israeli and Palestinian teenaged delegates at the third summer of Seeds of Peace (SOP) International Camp in Maine, USA. Inspired by the dialogue I witnessed that summer — and sobered by the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in the fall — I moved to Jerusalem, where I spent eight years working with Israeli and Palestinian SOP alumni to expand what began as an American summer camp into a year-round, cross-conflict youth program on the ground in the Middle East. In 2004, I left to write my doctoral dissertation, a long-term study of peace activism among the first 10 groups of Israeli and Palestinian SOP graduates. I have since moved on to conduct evaluations of many other Middle East peace-building initiatives.
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| 13 |
ID:
142447
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| Summary/Abstract |
The more youth become actively involved in confronting the occupation, the more prison will remain a persistent feature of Palestinian society in Jerusalem.
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