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1 |
ID:
113567
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2 |
ID:
114950
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Publication |
2012.
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Summary/Abstract |
Many Western researchers have hailed blogs of politicians as new, interactive and 'inherently democratic' tools of political communication. Yet, as this essay illustrates, blogs can be of comparatively even greater appeal to politicians in semi-authoritarian political contexts. In Russia, 29 out of 83 regional leaders (roughly 35%) were keeping a weblog in May 2010. This essay provides a comprehensive content analysis of all governors' blogs and, subsequently, fleshes out a typology of three characteristic types. It is argued that politicians' blogs are playing a far greater role in generating legitimacy for the Russian political system than they do in democracies, because the semi-authoritarian Russian system lacks other mechanisms which generate (input) legitimacy in developed democracies, such as highly competitive elections.
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3 |
ID:
113574
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4 |
ID:
149239
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5 |
ID:
118910
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Publication |
2012.
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Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the part that the redistribution of evacuee property-the property abandoned by departing Hindus and Sikhs during the mass migrations after Partition-played in the institutionalization of corruption in Pakistan. By drawing on hitherto unexplored sources, including Pakistan's Rehabilitation Department papers, local police files and court records, it highlights the schemes of illegal appropriation, misappropriation, and paints a wholly convincing portrait of the scramble for millions of rupees worth of abandoned property in the towns and countryside of West Punjab. It shows how politicians, bureaucrats, powerful local notables and enterprising refugee groups grabbed properties, mainly by bribing officers charged with allocating them to incoming refugees, or by utilizing their personal contacts. The paper argues that the fierce competition for resources and temptations for evacuee property encouraged the emergence of a 'corruption' discourse which not only contributed to an atmosphere that was detrimental to democratic consolidation in the early years of Pakistan's history, but also justified later military intervention. This not only adds to the empirical knowledge of Partition and its legacies, but also makes a significant contribution towards our understanding of the transitional state in Pakistan.
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6 |
ID:
095316
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
There have been countless assaults to the democracy and democratic institutions that the Philippines has been enjoying over the past 111 years.What has saved the country is the innate attributes of its people.peace loving, resilient, forbearing, and religious. The dark practices of electoral politics and the dirty tentacles of politicians are the latest threats to the country's democracy. Will democracy continue to hold given the erosive and continuous assault on its electoral system, as the country prepares for a national election in May 2010?
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7 |
ID:
172305
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Summary/Abstract |
While interstate negotiation is becoming more important than ever in guiding the course of world affairs, it is in danger of being weakened as a consequence of the erosion of multilateral diplomacy. Multilateral organizations and cooperation between states has opened new pathways for negotiation, stabilized the world, and served to equalize power distribution. Growing multilateralism has protected negotiation processes and offered smaller powers more of a say in world affairs. However, with the current trend for powerful countries to undermine multilateral negotiation processes in favor of bilateral and minilateral power-based negotiations, global political gaps are widening. This will undermine small countries and middle powers that want to use diplomatic negotiation as their main tool to influence others. The consequence could be a process of diplomatic negotiation used by hegemonic powers to further their interests to the detriment of the less powerful.
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8 |
ID:
087973
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Publication |
Ann Arbor, University of Michigan press, 1966.
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Description |
ix, 538p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
021866 | 341.734/JAC 021866 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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9 |
ID:
149678
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Summary/Abstract |
Schattschneider's insight that “policies make politics” has played an influential role in the modern study of political institutions and public policy. Yet if policies do indeed make politics, rational politicians have opportunities to use policies to structure future politics to their own advantage—and this strategic dimension has gone almost entirely unexplored. Do politicians actually use policies to make politics? Under what conditions? In this article, we develop a theoretical argument about what can be expected from strategic politicians, and we carry out an empirical analysis on a policy development that is particularly instructive: the adoption of public-sector collective bargaining laws by the states during the 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s—laws that fueled the rise of public-sector unions, and “made politics” to the advantage of Democrats over Republicans.
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10 |
ID:
092394
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
A discussion of how politics is done in Britain, and how it could be done differently. It explores the relationship between culture and structure in politics, and between strong government and effective accountability. The argument is that the concentration on structures can lead to a neglect of the importance of political culture. It suggests that there are three democratic levels, and that Britain does better on one than on the others; and identifies a range of democratic issues to be tackled. It concludes by suggesting that even without major instrumental changes there are cultural changes that would make a difference to how politics is done in Britain.
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11 |
ID:
172650
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Summary/Abstract |
One of the public’s popular beliefs about politics is that politicians engage in rent-seeking behaviors, such as accumulating property, using their political power. By applying a regression discontinuity design, this study examines whether members of the National Assembly of South Korea gained assets during three elective terms (2004–2008, 2008–2012, and 2012–2016). The results contradict the public’s claim. In general, there is minimal evidence that election winners accumulate more assets than runners-up. And observing the winners’ premium for newly elected politicians in the 2012–2016 term, I find that it is related to a political support fund, which is a legitimate channel for politicians’ funding. The results suggest that an information disclosure policy can play a pivotal role in restricting politicians’ rent-seeking behaviors.
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12 |
ID:
109837
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13 |
ID:
108835
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14 |
ID:
118207
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15 |
ID:
109039
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16 |
ID:
126346
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Publication |
2013.
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Summary/Abstract |
Movies continue to be the most accessible art form to Americans and that reach allows films to have a tremendous effect on moviegoers. With more than a billion movie tickets sold annually in the United States, the ability of movies to influence the perceptions of moviegoers is pronounced. Frequently, the government is part of those depictions. Although film is routinely studied in a host of disciplines, a focus on the portrayal of government generally and government officials more specifically, remains elusive. Instead of using a case-study approach, we examine recent, popular films to investigate how government is portrayed generally and how individual governmental characters are depicted. For our sample, we use the top-10 box office grossing films from 2000 to 2009 to assess how government is depicted in the films most likely seen by the majority of movie-watching Americans. Perhaps unsurprisingly, we found that films generally have a mixed view of government with more negative depictions than positive. However, in examining bureaucrats, police officers, soldiers, and politicians, we found a much more positive depiction of these individual government characters. Americans may view government negatively, but in film they see positive depictions of individual civil servants.
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17 |
ID:
130947
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Political science has paid scant attention to the way that citizens judge public policy, assuming that citizens do so, or should do so, in ways familiar to academics themselves, depending upon which of the various schools of thought they endorse. This paper argues that approaching citizens' judgement realistically requires attention to political psychology. Indeed, our conception of citizen judgement can be enriched by attention to research and theory in cognitive psychology and neuroscience. That work emphasises that much judgement occurs spontaneously and very rapidly, that it is involuntary and non-semantic and that it depends upon the emotional impact of experience rather than conscious weighing of situations against explicit standards of assessment such as science, self-interest or moral theory. A moral psychology for public life is sketched out, with implications for judgment by politicians.
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18 |
ID:
095310
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
The partition of British India has come to be viewed as inevitable. It is widely believed today that there was no other practical option for the nation of Muslims and Hindus,but to divide the country. Over time, this view has been endorsed by many writers, including those in the West, and indeed become virtually synonymous with a universal truth. A closer re-examination of the fact, however, reveals a complex picture of the partition episode. while the two-nation theory certainly had its share of supporters, what seems to have been overlooked by many is that there was a tremendous amount of opposition to the division of India. Moreover, evidence substantiates that there was an intriguing alliance which was one of the key forces that ultimately led to partition.
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19 |
ID:
094712
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20 |
ID:
113585
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